pect of complete tranquillity. Had gentlemen reason to apprehend any danger, foreign or domestic, war or rebellion, I suppose they would have taken some precautions; but I ask what is there, in the general complexion of the timesWhat is there, in your sequestered situation, to justify this pretence of unforeseen emergency ?-this affectation of State mystery? A latitude not for exertion, but expense. What wars have you to wage? What enemies have you to overwhelm ? Against whom do you point the thunder of your arms? No, no, your emergencies are of a different kind-the gentle solicitation, the fond importunity, and the kind reply on the subject of public money. These are your wars, these are your emergencies. Who would have imagined to have seen, in the course of this debate, that faded cockade of the Castle, confidence, advanced on the side of the Court-confidence in the Irish Minister in the uncontrolled expenditure of Irish money-What, after all your experience, to prefer confidence to this resolution, requires, in my opinion, a most robust conscience and a most infirm understanding. Desirous as we all are to pay every respect, and with every predilection in favour of our present Viceroy, a young man of a very noble unsuspicious nature, exposed perhaps to much importunity yet who can answer for

his continuance? This confidence then must extend to all his successors, whoever they be, of whatever cast, party, principle, or capacity-But even that won't do. This confidence must extend to all the Secretaries of all the future Lord Lieutenants. In the last seven years we had seven Lord Lieutenants and eight Secretaries. The confidence must then be extended to the Lords and Commons of Great Britain, or rather to the King's commission, on a pure and perfect persuasion, that whom the King shall appoint, the Lord illuminates, and where the purse is bestowed, there is the virtue and there is the economy. This will not do; it is not sufficient that Viceroys should be Gods-Irishmen must be Angels, and importunity and solicitation cease; and in that event I submit to the force of the argument of confidence, as something not according to reason, but above it,

"I have troubled you long; but before I sit down I must observe, that the success of your manufactures is much interested in this motion. Gentlemen are not to be informed, that the great commercial resources which Ireland possesses is not capital, but a comparative exemption from the weight of taxes. The increase of your expenses must operate therefore as a diminution of your commercial resources, and not only increase

the undue influence of the British Minister in the Irish Parliament, but hinder the competition of the Irish manufacturer in his own market. The nature of the new taxes tends the rather to excite the apprehension, because some of these taxes are registers; taxes on licences to sell leather, soap, candles, &c. being in themselves of very small product, I fear them as a key to a more general taxation, and the more earnestly do I wish, therefore, to stop the growth of expense. I think this is a good opportunity; for I think the new grants give you a right to insist on establishing a great principle of economy. When we make new grants, let us make points for Ireland; and while we are generous to the Crown, let us pay some attention to the interest of the people. Do not let any man suppose that the point of stopping the further accumulation of debt is gained already, because you are not called on for a loan for 1786; the reason being, that you borrowed 200,000l. in 1785, and that you got one half year's produce of the new taxes. I make no doubt that the resolution, though rejected tonight, will have a good effect. The principle must be carried. Government must at least live within its income; but then it is to such exertions, and to the urging such resolutions, you must attribute such an event."

The principle of the first resolution moved by Mr. Connolly, being unequivocally admitted by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was unanimously agreed to.

The question being put on the second resolution, there appeared,

ON the 20th February, 1786, Mr. Forbes moved for leave to bring in a Bill "to prevent persons holding places or pensions under the Crown from sitting or voting in the House of Commons." It is impossible to make mention of the name of this venerated and beloved friend of Irish independence, without recording our acknowledgment of the great and important services which he has rendered his country ;indefatigable in the performance of his legislative duties-gifted with great talents, and possessed of extensive information---he always enlightened his audience on every subject he dis

cussed, and often successfully communicated to his countrymen a portion of that spirit which animated and directed his judgment in debate.

Mr. Grattan, in his celebrated Letter to Lord Clare, in the year 1800, thus speaks of this distinguished Irish Senator :

"Mr. Forbes-a name I shall ever regard, and a death I shall ever deplore-enlightened-sensible-laborious, and useful-proud in poverty, and patriotic-he preferred exile to apostacy, and met his death.-I speak of the dead-I say nothing of the living, but that I attribute to this constellation of men, in a great measure, the privileges of your country; and I attribute such a generation to the risidence of your Parliament." Even such a man as Mr. Forbes, thus described by him who best knew his merits, and to whose superiority every Irishman with whom he acted bore equal testimony, could not escape the deluge of calumny, which swept away every man and every principle that was good or valuable in our island. The slaughter of such characters was essential to the completion of the grand, though remote object of putting down the country; and every corrupt hand which could wield a quill, was engaged in the honorable service of defaming and traducing our Forbes's, our Daly's, our Floods, and our Burghs;-their names, however,