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Extract from Report of R. R. Gurley to the Secretary of State,
February 15, 1850.

The authorities and people of Liberia cherish a sincere attachment to the government and people of the United States. They are sensible that under the auspices of American benevolence they have attained to their present elevation, from which they are permitted to see before them a widely-expanding and glorious prospect of social happiness and political prosperity and renown. To the entire people of the republic, the recognition of their independence by the government of the United States is an object of earnest desire. The peculiarities of the condition of the free people of color, and others of the African race, in this country, they well know, and have no wish, by any relations which may be established between their government and ours, to cause inconvenience or embarrassment. While their wish and purpose is to maintain a just selfrespect, as a free and independent republic, before the world, they will, I doubt not, be disposed to accommodate (as far as may be without exposure to dishonor or self-reproach) their arrangements to the sense and views of the American government. It has been suggested that they might conduct all their public affairs in this country with the United States through some one or more of its citizens, in case our government should feel inclined to confide to citizens of Liberia any business it might wish transacted in Africa with the authorities of that republic.

The scheme of African colonization originated not only in benevolence. towards our colored population, but towards both races on this continent and towards two quarters of the globe. At its inception, our most illustrious statemena Jefferson, Marshall, Monroe, and Madison — gave to it their sanction. It was seen to unite Christian philanthropy with political expediency-a just regard for our national welfare with the more solemn obligations of religious duty. It has derived strength from the homes of the good and pious in our southern States, and found eloquent advocates and defenders in their legislative halls. Many States have urged its claims upon the general government, and the voices of the churches of every name second their appeals.

But it is the success of the plan of African colonization, as seen in the independent republic of Liberia, that most conclusively commends it to national consideration. On that far-distant shore, for ages darkened by superstition and outraged by crime, a community of free colored persons. from the United States, aided by American benevolence, have adopted a constitution of free government, and taken their high position among

the independent states of the world. England and France have acknowledged their right of self-government and their just claim to the respect and comity of nations. What higher motives can be imagined than those which have given existence to this republic? what work more honorable or more sublime than that to which it is dedicated and destined? Though at present few in numbers and very limited in means, a vast field for action and influence opens before it; and in its constitution and laws, in the spirit of its people, the advantages of its position, and the motives and necessities of those who are hastening to build up their homes and their fortunes under the shadow of its wings, we see the elements of mighty power, of an unbounded growth and prosperity. It has been justly said, that "the great necessity of the world at this moment is a free, civilized, and powerful State within the tropics - a necessity felt through every period of the world's history, and now about to be realized. The western coast of Africa is in every point of view the most effective position for such a State to occupy. The black race, of which there cannot be much less than 150,000,000 on earth, is preeminently the race needing such a development, and prepared for it; and the United States are exactly in a condition to found such a commonwealth with this race, and under circumstances the most glorious to ourselves, the most hopeful to the world, and the most beneficial to the blacks." Around this republic of Liberia - the morning star of Africa's redemption, revealing how great evils may be transmuted by the hand. of the Almighty into an incalculable good; which looks with encouraging and cheering aspect upon the African race in every part of the earth; reconciles the gift of liberty with the highest interests of those who bestow and those who receive it; opens a quarter of the world for many years shut up in barbarism to the genial and renovating influence. of letters, laws, commerce and Christianity are gathered the sympathies of all virtuous and generous minds, allied with its safeguard, the all-encircling and never-slumbering power of an omnipotent Providence. The rapid increase of free persons of color in many of the States of this Union; the importance, for their benefit more than our own, of their organization into a community by themselves, in the land of their ancestors; the immense advantages such a community must secure to itself and extend to others, by developing the resources and turning into legitimate channels the commerce of Africa, by the civilization it must impart, and the moral and political truths it must exemplify and enforce among her ignorant, debased, and chaotic population - all command the

republic of Liberia to the regard of the general government of this Union. Engaged in a work of unsurpassed dignity and importance, the inhabitants of this small republic are accomplishing more good, as I must believe, than any equal number of human beings, in private stations, on the face of the globe. More than to the united endeavors of all Christian nations, with their treaties and armed squadrons against the slave trade, is humanity indebted for its suppression along many hundred miles of the African coast to the people of Liberia. But it should not be concealed, that to explore Africa; to establish commercial intercourse and relations with her interior tribes; to improve and fortify the harbors of the republic; to make needful experiments in agriculture and the arts in a region to which the people from this country have so recently been introduced, and to maintain a wise system of education for all classes of her pupulation; so that its territory shall offer an attractive home to all the free descendants of Africa, demands pecuniary means to which the present revenues of Liberia are unequal. But since this republic, more than any other power, will develop the resources and increase the trade of western Africa, the United Sates, in aiding her endeavors, will open new markets for American productions, and essentially augment American commerce. Yet far higher and nobler motives than those of gain, will, I trust, incline our national authorities to encourage and assist the citizens of Liberia, a few adventurous, but determined children of Africa, gone out from our midst, that they may recover their long-lost inheritance, show their ability to build up civilized cities and states in regions where they have been unknown, and bring a vast continent, now lying in dim eclipse, within the circle and the influences of enlightened and Christian nations.

From the presence of our squadron on the African coast, benefits, doubtless, accrue both to Liberia and to our own commerce; but I may be permitted, in the conclusion of this report, to avow the opinion that a recognition by the government of the United States of the independence of the republic of Liberia, and an appropriation of fifty thousand dollars a year for ten years, to enable that republic to carry out the principles of its constitution, for the happiness of those who from this country are. seeking a home upon its soil; for the suppression of the slave trade; and the civilization of Africa, would be in harmony with the character and sentiments of this nation, and give stability, progress, and triumph to liberty and Christianity on the African shore.

Extract from Annual Message of President James Buchanan,
December 6, 1858.

On the 21st of August last Lieutenant J. N. Maffit, of the United States brig Dolphin captured the slaver Echo (formerly the Putnam, of New Orleans) near Kay Verde, on the cost of Cuba, with more than 300 African negroes on board. The prize, under the command of Lieutenant Bradford, of the United States Navy, arrived at Charleston on the 27th August, when the negroes 306 in number, were delivered into the custody of the United States marshal for the district of South Carolina. They were first placed in Castle Pinckney, and afterwards in Fort Sumter, for safe-keeping, and were detained there until the 19th September, when the survivors, 271 in number, were delivered on board the United States steamer Niagara to be transported to the coast of Africa under the charge of the agent of the United States, pursuant to the provisions of the act of the 3rd March 1819, "in addition to the acts prohibiting the slave trade." Under the second section of this act the President is "authorized to make such regulations and arrangements as he may deem expedient for the safe-keeping, support, and removal beyond the limits of the United States of all such negroes, mullatoes, or persons of color" captured by vessels of the United States as may be delivered to the marshal of the district into which they are brought, "and to appoint a proper person or persons residing upon the coast of Africa as agent or agents for receiving the negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color delivered from on board vessels seized in the prosecution of the slave trade by commanders of United States armed vessels.

A doubt immediately arose as to the true construction of this act. It is quite clear from its terms that the President was authorized to provide "for safe-keeping, support, and removal" of these negroes up till the time of their delivery to the agent on the coast of Africa, but no express provision was made for their protection and support after they had reached the place of their destination. Still, an agent was to be appointed to receive them in Africa, and it could not have been supposed that Congress intended he should desert them at the moment they were received and turn them loose to the inhospitable coast to perish for want of food or to become again the victims of the slave trade. Had this been the intention of Congress, the employment of an agent to receive them, who is required to reside on the coast, was unnecessary, and they might have been landed by our vessels anywhere in Africa and left exposed to the sufferings and the fate which would certainly await them.

Mr. Monroe, in his special message of December 17, 1819, at the first session after the act was passed, announced to Congress what in his opinion was its true construction. He believed it to be his duty under it to follow these unfortunates into Africa and make provision for them there until they should be able to provide for themselves. In communicating this interpretation of the act to Congress he stated that some doubt had been entertained as to its true intent and meaning, and he submitted the question to them so that they might, "should it be deemed advisable, amend the same before further proceedings are had under it." Nothing was done by Congress to explain the act, and Mr. Monroe proceeded to carry it into execution according to his own interpretation. This, then, became the practical construction. When the Africans from on board the Echo were delivered to the marshal at Charleston, it became my duty to consider what disposition ought to be made of them under the law. For many reasons it was expedient to remove them from that locality as speedily as possible. Although the conduct of the authorities. and citizens of Charleston in giving countenance to the execution of the law was just what might have been expected from their high character, yet a prolonged continuance of 300 Africans in the immediate vicinity. of that city could not have failed to become a source of inconvenience and anxiety to its inhabitants. Where to send them was the question. There was no portion of the coast of Africa to which they could be removed with any regard to humanity except to Liberia. Under these circumstances an agreement was entered into with the Colonization Society on the 7th of September last, a copy of which is herewith transmitted, under which the society engaged, for the consideration of $45,000, to receive these Africans in Liberia from the agent of the United States and furnish them during the period of one year thereafter with comfortable shelter, clothing, provisions, and medical attendance, causing the children to receive schooling, and all, whether children or adults, to be instructed in the arts of civilized life suitable to their condition. This aggregate of $45,000 was based upon an allowance of $150 for each individual; and as there has been considerable mortality among them and may be more before they reach Africa, the society have agreed, in an equitable spirit, to make such a deduction from the amount as under the circumstances may appear just and reasonable. This can not be fixed until we shall ascertain the actual number which may become a charge to the society.

It was also distinctly agreed that under no circumstances shall this Government be called upon for additional expenses.

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