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About nine years ago the suffrage was extended, and the number of qualified voters increased from 130,000 to 1,453,000 by means of a general strike. The same method has been tried on the present occasion, but without success. The workmen were not prepared for a long and national campaign of organized resistance to parliament, and the debate on constitutional revision ended in the defeat of the motion to do away with plural voting. But the reform is only postponed; the popular demand for it renders it inevitable.

In Russia the student disturbances have continued, and it is considered rather extraordinary that the factory workmen of Moscow and other centers should have participated in these demonstrations. Primarily the students are interested in educational and university reforms, and their demands are non-political, as we have heretofore explained, but the revolutionists have taken

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advantage of the unrest and have circulated anti-autocratic circulars and appeals. Hundreds of arrests have been made, and scores of students have been sent to prison and into exile without trial or judicial examination "by administrative order," as it is called. It is in connection with these disturbances that M. Sipiaguine, the minister of the interior was assassinated, and that attempts were made upon the life of the governor-general of Moscow and that of Warsaw. The Russian press is prohibited from discussing these events, but the correspondents GENERAL S. M. B. YOUNG, of the great foreign President of the new War College. papers agree that

the dissatisfaction with existing conditions is intense and wide-spread in Russia, and that the educated classes are hopelessly alienated from the government. So deep is the quarrel that even the assassination of the minister excited no indignation. The more radical elements rejoiced at the deed, the minister having been identified with the extreme reactionary element, while the liberals exhibited profound indifference to the crime. Even the leading conservative paper, the Novoye Vremya, published an abstract, halfhearted condemnation of assassination in general. All this is deemed highly significant of the spirit of the cultivated Russian circles. Absolutism is losing ground, though so long as the peasants are stolid and passive and ignorant, the danger of revolution remains the remotest sort of possibility. The government has but one method - stern repression, which is not calculated to check. the revolt. Many believe the Czar to be ignorant of the facts of the situation, and, curiously enough, a petition has been presented to the American consul praying his intercession with the Czar in behalf of the exiled and imprisoned students. But the

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reaction has manifested itself in many direc- administration have been equally outspoken tions, thus pointing to a policy deliberately in condemning it. adopted and systematically pursued.

Conduct of the War.

Has the campaign in the Philippines been carried on in a humane, civilized way? Evidence has been adduced before the Senate Philippine Committee that certain American officers have resorted to a mode of torture known as "the water

It would be unfair and unreasonable to regard the outrages disclosed by the testimony as typical and characteristic of the methods of the American army, but it is conceded almost universally that the situation demands the most searching inquiry and the fullest publicity. At a representative gathering of anti-imperialists a committee was appointed to promote such publicity, and it is certain that the present investigation will be extended and broadened in scope. Meantime the general Philippine question is reopened for discussion, and instead of popular indifference to the subject which was so cure," as a means of manifest a few weeks ago, there is increassecuring information ing public concern, interest, and anxiety regarding insurgent regarding it. In addition to the troubles operations from mentioned, there is grave danger of hostiliJAMES R. GARFIELD, New Civil Service Com- natives suspected of ties with the Moros of Mindanao who until missioner. possessing such recently have acknowledged American sovknowledge. Other methods of torture are ereignty and maintained friendly relations hinted at in an official complaint of Major with the military authorities. Our governGardener, civil governor of the Province ment has interfered very little with the of Tabayas, to General Chaffee. Wanton customs and ways of these Mohammedan destruction of property and wholesale burn- tribes, and there has been little friction; ing of villages have likewise been charged. but certain American soldiers were murdered In addition to this, General Jacob H. Smith by some islanders, and the surrender of the and several subordinates have been tried criminals was refused without adequate reaby courts-martial, or or ordered to be so son or explanation. Elsewhere in the architried for executing native prisoners with- pelago the progress toward pacification is out trial. General Smith admitted issuing reported to be steady and satisfactory. an order to Major Waller " to turn Samar,' at one time a hotbed of insurrection, into "a howling wilderness," to "burn and kill," and to "kill everybody above ten years of age." At this writing the verdict of the court in General Smith's case is not known. The disclosures have created a profound and painful impression. The president has ordered a thorough investigation, and has declared that nothing can justify, or will be held to justify, the use of torture or violation of the laws of civilized warfare on the part of the American army in the Philippines. Senator Lodge, the chairman of the Philippine committee, has characterized General Smith's order as "revolting," and other supporters of the Philippine policy of the

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Civil Government for Philippines. There is little doubt that congress will pass at this session a bill for the civil administration of the Philippine Islands, and thereby end the supremacy of the military arm of the government in that dependency. But which of the three plans now under discussion will be adopted? The so-called Lodge bill simply authorizes the continued extension and organization of municipal and provincial self-government, and contains no provision for the establishment of a central popular and representative government. It provides for a census, to be taken after complete pacification, for the determination of the fitness and capacity of the natives for per

manent self-government, but commits con- the Democratic representatives define the gress to no special course of action. issue as follows:

The Cooper bill, originating in the house, prescribes a complete form of central civil government:

"Whenever the existing insurrection in the Philip pine Islands shall have ceased and a condition of general and complete peace shall have been established therein, and the facts shall be certified to the President by the commission, the President shall authorize the commission to call a general election for the choice of delegates to a popular assembly of the people of the Philippine Islands, to be known as the Philippine Assembly."

The same bill provides for an upper house or council, to be appointed, not elected, and to be composed of Americans and natives. The Taft commission has recommended the enactment of some such measure as this, but the War Department prefers the Lodge bill, which contains no promise of any sort for the future.

The Democrats of the house and senate have presented a third plan, and there is little doubt that the Democratic party throughout the country will adopt it as the alternative policy to that of the administration. There is no "scuttle" in it; it is far more conservative than the position of certain prominent anti-imperialists. It does not involve the withdrawal of the army at this time nor in the immediate future; it is not a plan of surrendering to the insurgents nor of abandoning the islands to their fate. In their minority report upon the house bill,

"The chief question involved is, whether under the guise of the forms of civil government, a policy unjust and cruel to the people of the Philippine Islands and injurious and dishonoring to American citizenship shall be indefinitely if not perpetually continued, or whether there shall be substituted in its stead a more righteous and humane policy, the intent and purpose of which is to confer upon these people within the shortest practicable period and upon reasonable and proper terms an autonomous system of free self government, based upon the principle of independence, which after the lapse of a reasonable period, to afford training and experience, shall eventuate into an unqualified and absolute independence."

In other words, the policy which has been pursued in Cuba is advocated by the minority, or the " opposition," for the Philippines. Pacification first; then the establishment, with our aid and guidance, of a native government; the proclamation of some sort of protectorate over the islands by the United States to prevent foreign aggression, and finally, the evacuation of the archipelago (except in so far as a few naval stations are concerned) by our troops.

By the time these lines reach the reader, the Republicans will doubtless have passed some Philippine bill, but the general question will constitute a leading issue in the fall campaign, which is to decide the complexion of the next House of Representatives.

Advanced "Labor" Decisions. Two important decisions recently rendered by state courts of last resort have provoked much comment and animadversion. Though perfectly sound, logical, and just, they are hardly consistent with the "weight of opinion" in similar cases, or with the precedents and earlier doctrines upon the questions involved. The decisions happen to be favorable to labor and unionism, but they are based on general principles and are not open to the charge of " class -Cleveland Plain Dealer. legislation." The doctrines

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CUBA: "My but dis'll be a swell turnout."

expounded therein are as protective of will be raised henceforth in every state which guarantees free speech and publication by a provision in its organic law.

the rights of employers as they are calculated to safeguard the rights of organized workmen.

THE LATE

ADMIRAL WILLIAM T.

SAMPSON.

The other of the two cases under review was decided by the New York Court of Appeals, and finally settled the question as to the right of a union to procure the discharge of non-members by threatening to strike. The court held that this right existed. Its argument may be summed up as follows, in a few brief propositions: A person may threaten to do that which the law permits him to do, for the greater includes the less. The right to strike includes the right to threaten a strike. A man may quit work without any reason, but when he chooses to give a reason, the fact that to others (the employer, or the public, or the courts) the reason seems weak, inadequate, or foolish does not make the strike, or the threat to strike, unlawful. Further, men may combine and associate for the purpose of improving their condition, and when so combined may strike in concert without becoming guilty of conspiracy, provided the object is to benefit themselves and not to inflict

Without going into the details, it may be stated that in one of the cases referred to (decided by the Supreme Court of Missouri) it was held that a court of equity had no power to restrain a citizen or association from publishing and distributing a circular containing a statement of alleged grievances and urging or advising the community to boycott a given firm or a given number of firms. The court did not affirm the legality of boycotting, or the right of the boycotters to say anything they please in the circular about the boycotted firm or firms. If boycotting is illegal in Missouri, there is a remedy malicious and gratuitous injury upon the at law for the complainant. If the circular contained false, damaging, and libelous allegations, there was a cause of action, with a claim for damages, under the general law of libel. The court simply held that an injunction to prevent the publication and distribution of the boycott circular could not issue. The only ground for this decision was this that the constitution of the state explicitly guaranteed the right of the citizen to write, speak, and publish on any subject, being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. An injunction, said the court, would be a denial of the liberty of speech and publication, and therefore a violation of the constitution. After publication, the question whether an "abuse" of the right in question had been committed might be settled in proper judicial proceedings; before publication the courts could not intervene. In other words, the right of free publication operated as a limitation on the injunctive remedy. The point is certainly new, and it

employer. If combinations have the right to strike without giving a reason for their action, they have the right to strike for any declared reason, and they may warn or

threaten the employer with a strike in order to avert the necessity of one by obtaining the desired improvements or concessions.

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Some of these propositions have been vigorously assailed. They are, indeed, contrary to the common law views of conspiracy and to old English statutes New Commissioner-General that, while no longer of Immigration. in force, continue to influence British courts. But they are gradually obtaining recognition, and their general

FRANK P. SARGENT,

acceptance by legislators and courts is merely millions entered the country during the decade between censuses, whereas there is only an increase of about one million in the foreign-born population of 1900 as compared with 1890.

a question of time. There is now a bill before congress which amends the conspiracy law as regards labor combinations and provides that no injunctions shall be issued to restrain men from doing acts in restraint of interstate commerce if such acts would be lawful when committed by individuals acting severally. This bill has been aggressively attacked in the press, but the judiciary committees have reported it favorably and advocated its passage.

Italian Population of the United States. During the study of Italian topics this year, inquiry has arisen regarding the number of people born in Italy who are resident in the United States. It appears from census statistics of 1900 that the total is less than 500,000. The Census Bureau gives the figures as 484,207. Out of a total population of 76,303,387 the proportion of Italians is, therefore, about 1 to 190. The foreign-born population is placed at 10,460,085, so that the Italian element comprises about 1 in 26 of that total. It is interesting to note that this Italian population--which, of course, does not include children of Italian parents born in this country-approximates the number of German immigrants (505,152) who came to the United States during the decade closing in 1900.

Another informing point of view is furnished by figures showing the proportion of nationalities which have contributed the grand total of 19,115,221 immigrants to our population within the record covering eighty years prior to 1900:

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New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Illinois, California, Connecticut, and Louisiana, in the order named, hold the largest number of Italian-born, New York and Pennsylvania together having more than half the total.

Mr. W. C. Hunt, chief statistician for population, furnishes THE CHAUTAUQUAN the following table showing the distribution of Italian-born, by states and territories:

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Maine

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THE LATE FRANK R. STOCKTON.

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182,248 Alabama

862

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Dist. of Col.
Virginia
West Virginia.
North Carolina.
South Carolina..
Georgia
Florida

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2 449

1,122 Texas

930

Indian Territory

Oklahoma

781 Arkansas

2,921 Montana.

201 Wyoming

180 Colorado

218

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New Mexico Arizona.

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2,199

781 6,818

661

699

1,062

1,296

779

2,124

1,014

22,777

Total. . . . 484,207

There is a pretty little story toldperhaps it is true concerning the origin of copper and steel plate engraving.

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