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the fantastic creations of a diseased imagination. After the victory they have just achieved, if it be tamely submitted to by the North, they have no reason to anticipate any serious opposition, on this Continent, to their schemes of conquest. But it is to be hoped that the humanity of Christendom, and the Civilization of the Age, will interfere between these beautiful visions and their literal fulfilment.


Since we last met together, another jewel has been added to the coronet of Slavery by the erection of Florida into a sovereign State. The young territory of Iowa having attained, in a few short years, to the fulness of strength, presented herself at the Capitol, with a constitution in her hand forbidding the existence of Slavery within her borders, and demanded the freedom of the guild of the General Government. The territory of Florida offered her early decrepitude, as an offset to the vigorous youth of the hardy daughter of the West, and in evidence of her worthiness of such a fellowship, she held forth a Constitution which expressly denied to her Legislature the power ever to abolish slavery, but conferring upon it, in open subversion of the Constitution of the country, the right to prevent the immigration of free citizens of other States, if “ the sun had looked upon them and they were black.” The policy which has been employed ever since the famous Missouri Compromise, of refusing admission to a Free State, unless it entered hand and hand with a Slave State, was not neglected at this crisis. All attempts which were made to sever the links that united these two in a common fate, were fruitless. Nor was this all. The modest provision was inserted in the act of admission, that when the Eastern division of Florida attained to a population of thirty thousand souls, it should be erected into a separate State,

while no such grace was extended to the less favored child. This, however, was too much even for the Congress of Annexation to bear, and this provision was struck out by a large majority

The bill came before the House on the 13th of February, when Mr. MORSE, of Maine, moved as an amendment, that Florida should not be admitted until the article just mentioned had been stricken from her Constitution, and defended his proposition with spirit and ability. It was rejected, however, by a vote of EIGHTY-SEVEN TO SEVENTY-SEVEN. Mr. KING, of New York, then moved the admission of Iowa alone. But this was rejected. And the bill was finally passed by a vote of ONE HUNDRED AND FORTY-FIVE yeas to THIRTY-FOUR nays. All of the Massachusetts delegation, that were present, voted in the negative, with the exception of Mr. PARMENTER.

The bill came before the Senate for concurrence, on March 1st, and Mr. Evans, of Maine, moved as an amendment, that Florida should not be admitted until she had altered her constitution and her laws, so as to allow the equal rights of colored seamen with other citizens. After a debate of some duration, in which the speakers on either side were divided in opinion according to their residence north or south of Mason's and Dixon's line, the amendment was lost by a vote of TWELVE TO THIRTY-FIVE. The bill then passed by a vote of THIRTY-six yeas to NINE nays.

If is worthy of remark, that, in consequence of the refusal of Iowa to accept the terms of admission, the weight of the slaveholding votes of Florida in the Senate is not counterpoised by those of her Senators. So that, at the present session, when the Senators of Texas are in their places, Slavery will have a clear majority of four votes, against Liberty.



It is not to be wondered at, in the view of the triumphs of the Slave Power, which we have been recounting, that the South should exult in her successes, and exalt her horn against the humbled North. It is but natural that the Slaveholders should feel disposed to press their advantage to the very limits of the endurance of the inhabitants of the Free States. Such is the condition of human nature, that the tyrant will ever rejoice in the humiliation of his vassals, and tighten their chains at every fresh instance of passive endurance. This cup Slavery is filling to the brim for us, and it will not pass away until we have drained it to the dregs, or have summoned spirit enough to dash it to the earth.

In our last Report, which went fully into the treatment of Mr. Hoar at the hands of South Carolina, we could only state that Mr. HUBBARD, the agent of Massachusetts for New Orleans, had been compelled to return with his mission defeated. That gentleman was driven, or rather retired in well-grounded apprehension of compulsion, from the State, declaring that he found it impossible to execute his mission. The Legislature of Louisiana, with all convenient speed, passed laws making a repetition of this interference with her " internal police,” a highly penal offence. Her example, and that of South Carolina, who preceded her in this preventive legislation, was followed by some of the other Southwestern States; so that the dignity of the domestic institution may be considered, now, as amply vindicated from the treasonable assault of Massachusetts upon it. The majesty of Southern law is triumphant. The fears of the chivalry are allayed, and General QuatTLEBUM has rest to his soul.

Through this infamous defiance of the Constitution of the United States, and of the commonest rights of hospitality and of humanity, it is certain that many humble and useful citizens

of the Free States, have been obstructed in their honest avocations, and have suffered imprisonment and outrage for no crime, but their complexion ; it is probable that some have been consigned to a life-long servitude. But Slavery is impartial where the defence of her own privileges are concerned, and fresh victims have been seized and punished on suspicion of assisting in the escape of fugitives from the house of bondage. Words and looks of pity are now contraband in the Southern States, and they may be bestowed only at the peril of the giver. Indeed, no man is safe from judicial or popular violence, who exercises his constitutional privilege of using his citizenship, in a Slave State, and who is not ready to utter the most servile of the shibboleths of Slavery. If suspicion is aroused against him, where every eye is full of suspicion, there is no protection for him in the name of citizen, or in the safeguards of the Constitution; he may, in very possible cases, have to choose between falling down and worshipping the national idol and being thrown into the hottest furnace of fanatical persecution. And it is just that it should be so. If the strong tamely suffer the weak and the helpless, those for whose protection civil government, in theory at least, was mainly established, to be treated as if there were no rights and no Constitution securing them, they have no just reason to complain when the same measure is meted to themselves. The more impartially the South bestows its injuries, the less distinction it makes in the distribution of its wrongs, between the white and the black, the bond and the free, the more hope is there that an adequate spirit of resistance may be roused which shall end them all together.

But black and lowering as the Southern skies still are, there are not wanting occasional gleams of light which are the harbingers of a happier day. Symptoms are manifested, from time to time, and at distant points, of a growing discontent on the part of the white population of the Slave States who are not slaveholders. This class of people stand, perhaps,


nearer to the slaves in the virtual privation of civil, if not personal freedom, than any other inhabitants of the country. They are made to feel every day and every hour that they are in the presence of an overshadowing aristocracy. Whatever may be the flatteries of demagogues, on the eve of elections, they feel that their condition is despised, their labor disgraceful, and their endeavors to improve their condition obstructed. The more intelligent among them are beginning to attribute this state of things to its true cause. In Maryland and Virginia, as well as in Kentucky, the subject is openly discussed in the public prints; and in Virginia there seems to be prospect of a successful attempt to break down the principle of Slave-representation, which has placed the political power of the South in the hands of the Slaveholders, at the convention which is soon to assemble for the revision of the Constitution. In Tennessee and Missouri, and even in North Carolina, there have been symptoms of this growing disaffection. The painful contrast which the Slave States, which border on the Free, afford to their neighbors in wealth, population and intelligence, is beginning to be more deeply felt, and more generally attributed to its real origin. Here we perhaps discern the first workings of an element, which may ere long be seen entering largely into the solution of the great problem of practical Emancipation.


Among all these hopeful auguries, arising to us from the thick darkness which hangs over the Slave States, that afford ed by the movement of Cassius M. Clay, in Kentucky, must be regarded as by far the most signal and the most conspicu

For a long time the friends of Freedom throughout the country had been watching with anxious curiosity to see whether the course which this gentleman had only begun


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