Act, by which the landlord should be made to restore to the tenant the tremendous sums out of which he has defrauded him, would be only a measure of simple justice. But if we cannot get back the money stolen from the Highland tenants, we can, at least, get back the stolen land. The deer forests in ten Highland counties comprise 2,155,000 acres. Much of this land is fertile valley or productive hill pasture, and was at one time densely populated. We must have every acre of it back that is worth taking back. A Bill for the appropriation of vacant Highland soil is simply a Bill for the preservation of the lives of thousands of High

landers.

Even those who wish to think nothing but good of the Church of England bishops find it a dreary and a weary task to read any account of their political action during this century. They have given one persistent vote against liberty and progress. The mitred followers of the humble Nazarene have led whenever the haughty peerage of Britain made a new and ignoble Thermopyla in defence of prejudice and tyranny. The political rank of a bishop is utterly false and unscriptural. To allow himself to be called "My Lord" is a grave offence against the very genius and essence of Christianity. Yet, as De Quincy says, "I have often remarked that the proudest class of people in England (or, at any rate, the class in whom pride is most apparent) are the families of the bishops." The bench of bishops in the House of Lords voting against humanity is a concrete blasphemy.

There are two ways of depreciating a man. You may either abuse him or overpraise him. The latter is the more artistic method. If you praise a man for truthfulness who is a noted liar, you make him supremely ridiculous. So when Lord Randolph Churchill compared Sir Michael Hicks-Beach to a skilled rider, whose horse recognises every masterful touch, and when he complimented him, in terms of wld exaggeration, on his gentle and firm government of Ireland, suppressed laughter rippled

round the House of Commons, and there was a soft murmur of "Mickey the Botch." By that name do the scornful peasants of Ireland recognise the amiable and incapable gentleman we have sent to rule them.

the milk of human kindness. Even journals Lord Hartington must have drunk deeply of and speakers who oppose him praise him. It is often said, "Here, at least, is a man who speaks impartially upon the Irish question. His own family estates are managed to perfection. There the happy tenantry get all they need, and have only to pay what the merest honesty demands." The Irish Land Commission has a different opinion. In some cases it has deducted 33 per cent. from the rents paid by the tenants of his lordship's father, and it has almost wipe away large amounts of arrears. So it seems that in what has been called "The bestmanaged estate in Ireland," the landlord has been exacting over thirty per cent. from his tenants more than the land was worth-robbing them of thirty pounds out of every hundred. Unhappy Ireland, if that be thy best estate, human minds shudder to think what must be thy worst!

Sir Henry James, being a self-called moderate man, of course wishes to call into play those immoderate passions that wreck humanity. He asks the Protestants of Britain to protect the Protestants of Ireltnd. As Protestants we resent the insult. We know that the Protestants of Ireland are in no more need of protection from the Catholics than is the Pope himself. Persecution in Ireland has all been, we are sorry to say, on one side, and that side is not the Catholic. What Sir Henry James wants is to arouse the unholy feelings of persecution, to call from its slumbers the dread curse of creed, to fill the air with a clamour of contending churches, amidst which a great political principle will be lost and forgotten. But the fiends of theological persecution are for ever chained. And when a man like Sir Henry James tries o break those chains we tell him that we are Christians first and Protestants or Catholics afterwards.

Much credit has been given to the House of Lords for the passing of the Habæus Corpus Act-that very standard of British liberty. But we are told by Bishop Burnet that it was carried by accident. The teller for the Opposition to the Bill was at times not quite clear in his intellect; the teller for those who supported the Bill was fond of a joke, and had all his wits about him. A very fat peer entering, he, in jest, entered him as ten. The other teller did not notice the trick, and seeing that the error was not perceived the reforming peer thought it no part of his duty to call attention to it. Thus, on counting, the Bill seemed to be carried, although it was in reality lost. If that be true, the House of Lords has done more good by one accident than it did during five centuries on purpose.

We are wrong in thinking that the days of Protection are over in this country. The railway companies protect the foreigner against the Briton. To carry fish from Ireland to London is £4 a ton; the foreigner has to pay £1 a ton. Where the English fishermen have to pay-5s. 6d. on a barrel of fish, the French are allowed over the same length of rail, by the patriotic kindness of British railway directors, to convey their fish for 1s. 6d. Fish comes from Norway at 10s. a ton; from the Highlands at 70s. a ton. As a result, our fisheries are on the point of ruin. And not one of those railway directors but would tell us that railways want more power and more liberty. Surely they presume too far on the stupidity of John Bull!

Mrs. Langtry has lately been treated with coldness by the British aristocracy. They are tired of their pet. But the aristocracy were wrong to offend a woman who knows them so well. She has spoken some bitter and truthful words, that will make many an ear tingle.

The aristocratic world," she says, "is hope. lessly corrupt. What the public learns is a mere trifle to what the public never hears. The men and women of fashion stand by each other and help in mutual concealment."

Another tipple manufactory has been sold. Allsopp's is now a limited liability company. That is to say, the liability is limited as regards money value; but is the moral responsibility limited also? Has each man who has become a brewer thought to himself of the extent of his liability in puddling the world's wits? To put the matter mildly, it is far from a noble sight to behold the rich struggling to get richer as beer sellers, in such numbers and with such eagerness that the police had their own to do in keeping them back. Sir Wilfrid Lawson said truly, in a recent article, that temperance reform is a people's movement. Speaking generally, wealth and rank are arrayed against it. Yet the instinct of the people has seen in it a way of salvation. If all Britons were always sober, the day of every abuse would be

numbered.

He

does not defend landlordism for his own profit. Lord Hartington is not a selfish man. He defends it, he said at Newcastle, in order to defend those sacred laws of property that secure to the workman the workman's savings. That is very noble. Lord Hartington will keep what he has not earned in order that the working man may feel himself justified in keeping what he has earned. Who, on these terms, would not sacrifice himself for a glorious principle, and accept a dukedom with a hundred thousand a year, in order that Holge may enjoy in security the score of pounds he has saved by the toil of fifty years?

Lord Ernest Hamilton considers that the crofters of Glenbeigh have been treated with almost unexampled kindness and indulgence. Surely the tender mercies of the wicked are very cruel.

France recently presented the United States with a statue of Liberty. Some loyal and lavish Britains desire to present Uncle Sam with another statue, in honour of the Jubilee of that lady to whom and to whose family this devoted nation pays yearly a million of hard-earned money. What the statue is to be that these Royalists have the impudence to present to a Republic it is hard to say. We venture, however, to offer a suggestion, and if our idea is carried out we will be glad to subscribe to the scheme. We would represent John Bull in the familiar attitude of "Christian at the Wicket Gate," bending beneath a mighty burden, and we would call it, "Britain Burdened with the Results of Royalty."

Although Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bill was not altogether good, the spirit which urged Mr. Gladstone's action is surpassingly noble. And so it has been felt by the Irish race, ever prompt with a generous response to generosity. It is a wonderful and affecting thing to see how enthusiasm lights up the faces of the poor peasants in the wild West of Ireland when Mr. Gladstone's name is spoken. You may travel for days in Ireland and never hear a word spoken about separation. It was despair that drove the Irish to think of desperate remedies. Now that hope has dawned upon them, Fenianism is dead.

"The Wandering Jew" has at last found a rest in the bosoms of the "Primrose Dames." Mr. Goschen has won a seat reserved by the snobocracy for the nobility. A provincial newspaper wonders if he is not ashamed to appear in such a position. Our wonder would be if he were ashamed of anything. Mr. Goschen was sure that he would never win a Liberal seat. He was so equally sure of this Tory seat that he did not even think it worth his while to make a set speech to his future constituents. Virtually he said to them, "I despise you, but I must use you."

in the vain hope of escaping from misery. Alas! they only pass from one misery to another. French peasants, who have some hope in life, do not marry until they have made some thrifty provision for their lives. But British labourers, whose lot is hopeless, think that they may as well be miserable married as single.

An aristocratic class is said to be necessary in order to lead the taste of the country. And it has led that taste. It has led it astray from the loveliness of simplicity to a thousand grotesque or horrible devices. Our great landed aristocracy has been the first and chief cause of corruption in the peoples' taste. Good taste -noble simplicity-has never appeared in the world since the Greek Republic were crushed beneath despotism. In past seasons it has become fashionable to wear as ornaments live snakes and lizards, which shows what we are brought to by aristocratic leadership.

No wonder we find difficulties great and many in our task of Land Restoration. We do not marvel that they are so numerous, but rather that they are so few. When the Bible Society was founded it was looked upon as revolutionary and opposed to the highest interests of Church and State.

When Saul made his debut as a prophet, the prophets were justly suspicious. Lord Randolph will, therefore, pardon us, if among our hopes for his future as a Social Democrat,

there obtrudes an unwelcome doubt.

:0:

RELIGIOUS journals are speaking with all the force of frightened eloquence of the increase of atheistic books. These spring as directly from the churches themselves, as if they were printed and published by convocations and assemblies. The Christianity is the income and palace of the Archgreatest extant evidence against the truth of bishop of Canterbury. When the leading Christian in Great Britain exhibits in his own person all the pomp, the splendour, and the pride, against which Christianity came as a warning and a protest, then those who wonder at the growth of infidel opinions are weak and foolish. When Christ's churches carry out Christ's work in Christ's spirit then infidelity will vanish like a mist.

The success of the Temperance Convention recently held in London is a triumph for the principles of Democracy. During thirty-four years the United Kingdom Alliance for the suppression of the Liquor Traffic has been carried on as an autocratic institution, the Executive Committee elects the Council and the Council elects the Executive Committee. The business of the Alliance has been well managed, and at one time it was, perhaps, the most efficiently conducted of all our philanthropic institutions. It still unites under its banner men of all shades and parties, who are banded together to promote the important object for which it was founded.

Sooner or later the organic defect in its constitution was bound to affect its vitality. The absence of activity in the House of Commons, and the falling off of about a third in its subscription list, are the outward and visible sign of that inherent weakness which it is imposssible any longer to overlook or disguise.

When an institution is conducted on a representative basis it is easy to answer. Those who are interested can make themselves heard, all have practically a voice in the management; all know what is being done, and if every one cannot have his own way, each one is willing to follow the majority after reasonable dis

cussion.

Thus it is that Democratic institutions have a strength and permanence which no others can obtain. The Democratic element has been wanting in the United Kingdom Alliance; it must now be supplied, or the Alliance will fail. Impressed with these ideas, some of the members of the council proposed at the last annual meeting the calling of a Representative Conference in London. The proposal was cordially accepted by the council of the Alliance, and has been faithfully carried into effect by the Executive Committee.

The result was the assembly in London of 1,200 delegates from all parts of the United Kingdom, who, at their own costs and charges, made their way to the great metropolis for the purpose of assisting the movement, thus affording a striking testimony to the strength of temperance opinion throughout the country.

One of the main objects which the promoters of the convention had in view was the permanent establishment of the Alliance on a representative basis. It is a curious fact that even Radicals regard autocracy as a good thing when they are the autocrats. Thus the leaders

of the Alliance felt much misgiving as to the dangers which might arise if the principle which they advocate-i.e., popular control, was applied in the conduct of the Alliance. However, these scruples were ultimately overcome; and not only was a representative convention assembled, but the convention was allowed to have its own way as nearly as could be expected from managers to whom submission to the popular will was a new experience. From the confidence which has been imparted by the results of the Conference it is to be hoped that on similar occasions in future there will be no attempt whatever to manipulate the proceedings.

In response to a drafted resolution recommending the executive to propose a plan of representative government and submit it to the next council meeting, the executive replied that they were engaged in the preparation of such a plan. This is satisfactory, and it may be well to point out that the Executive Committee have the power not only to prepare such a plan, but they can at once put it in operation The method of calling the next council meeting is under the control of the executive; and it is to be hoped that they will adopt the representative principle in the assembling of the next council. An early and definite announcement of their determination to do this would re-assure the friends ofthe Alliance and impart a degree of vigour to the movement which no other course would call forth.

While the magnificent success of the representative convention is a matter for congratulation as showing the superiority of representative methods, the attainment of the object which the Alliance has in view will add to the power of British Democracy to a degree of which it is impossible to measure the extent. In carrying on the liquor traffic Democratic principles are distinctly set at nought, Experience having shown that the trade in alcoholic liquors is a source of enormous profit to the promoters, and a nuisance and cause of degradation to the community, our aristocratic governors have hit upon an expedient which gives to the privileged classes all the profit and imposes upon the people all the burden. The granting of licences to sell alcohol has been placed in the hands of magistrates, who take care to protect the localities in which they themselves live from the degrading influence of public houses, but inflict them freely upon other districts, often in spite of earnest protests on the part of the in

habitants. While the magistrates live in an earthly paradise they make a pandemonium elsewhere for the especial profit of themselves and of their friends interested in the trade. What a terrible business this trade is may be gathered from the fact that those who arc engaged therein die at about double the ordinary death rate, while the victims of the trade are the chief cause of the poverty, pauperism, crime, and insanity debasing our population to a degree which baffles all the efforts of politicians and philanthropists. As blight fastens upon an unhealthy plant. so injustice inflicts itself upon a weak and degraded population. Practical Democrats fight against injustice. The root of injustice is found in a people who have not sufficient strength to resist oppression. Drink is one of the chief elements of human weakness and degradation, and its removal would impart a degree of strength and energy to the popular demand for justice, which would make it invincible. We, therefore, seek for the people themselves the same control over the liquor traffic which now resides in the privileged classes. A poor man ought to have the same power as the rich to protect his home from degrading associations, and until that right is obtained the capitalists and the aristocrat will continue to profit by the vices and weakness of the people.

The United Kingdom Alliance and other temperance organisations have done a work in our day which is of inestimable value to the community. Thanks to their efforts we now know by experience as well as by scientific demonstration that alcohol is unnecessary to human life and happiness. We know that the danger and suffering which it brings in its train are evils which we voluntarily inflict upon ourselves. At present millions suffer from the cravings of a created appetite which exists only

from indulgence, an appetite which is not implanted by nature, but by custom.

The testimony of millions of total abstainers is given to the effect that the enjoyment of life is increased by total abstinence. The statistical results of numerous provident societies tell the same story in language which is unmistakeable. These show that if a man desires long life and vigorous days he must refrain from taking a drink which creates thirst, and which not only steals his brains, but prevents him from knowing that he has lost them. What we should like to see is the formation of Democratic Temperance Associations in every constituency in the kingdom. Wherever two or three meet together this can be done, and if these associations, like tiny seeds, were sown throughout the kingdom, the result would give an irresistible power to the working classes, which would secure the comfort and stability of the community.

Men must control themselves before they can control others. They must exercise self-denial before they can enjoy delight. Democratic Temperance Associations might be formed, not only in every constituency, but, if desired, in every street.

One man alone can do but very little. Every Democrat, who is also a temperance reformer, should unite himself with others, so as to be always prepared for action when opportunities offer. These opportunities are constant in cases where our fellow-men may be persuaded to break off bad habits, and political opportunities are not infrequent, as no political action can occur in which the voice of Temperance Democrats might not be heard with advantage.

The advice we would give to Temperance Democrats is the same as that given to the early Christians: "Do not forsake the assembling of yourselves together."

GERMANY.

wealth might and should and will be made. the means of civilisation when it is more evenly distributed. And here is the great want and cry of the age, ringing from the Pacific to the Atlantic, from the Atlantic back over Europe and Asia, to the Pacific_comfort for the poorest.

Now this doctrine is growing stronger and stronger. Not a day passes but in some new, and often unexpected, form it rises with full and sudden growth. Sometimes it takes stronger and wilder shapes, for, like all great