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Here we entreat the reader to pause, and look at the state of the world. Europe settling down in profound peace. Great Britain casting her eye abroad, sees the United States of America, a nation whose friendship she had spared no pains to conciliate, still raging for war, a war commenced from a belief that her struggles would be fatal to her power, and betraying a hope of sharing in the accomplishment of her destruction. Her victorious armies returning from France; her thousand ships of war with not a foe to encounter on the ocean. If governments are to be considered in any degree affected by such feelings as dictate the conduct of individuals, what could we expect would be her language, but that of resentment? Could we suppose she would only offer terms that would be remarkable for their moderation ?

Such considerations had already made a strong impression on the publick mind in this country. From the moment that the downfal of Bonaparte left Great Britain powerful and secure, apprehension, here, took the alarm. As if from a consciousness that we deserved every thing bad, every thing bad was anticipated. A majority of both parties agreed in this -England will now rise in her claims-the terms of peace will be prescribed by her resentment. Our fisheries constitute one of our vital interests-she will say we must relinquish them. Our trade to India, in peace, is one of the most abundant sources of our wealth. She will protest against our resuming it. Vague rumours were circulated of other probable demandsit was evident by the dismay which every day increased, as the miseries of war accumulated, that severe and humiliating terms of peace, or a desolating, sanguinary, and cheerless struggle were generally considered the only alternatives bore us.

selves; and the British propose that it shall
be reciprocal. With Great Britain, it is but
the practical operation of a long established,
fundamental, law of the empire; this claim
cannot therefore possibly be construed into
an intention to degrade us and as to the ef-
fect, we individually profess our sincere hope,
that whenever peace is established, it may
secure native American seamen against the
competition of foreigners.

2ndly. It is claimed that a boundary line
shall be settled, for the Indian territory. A
permanent boundary line, they say, is indis-
pensable; but where it shall run, is proposed
as another subject of discussion. They men-
tion that which we adopted, in our treaty with
the Indians in 1795.

This article, at the present moment, * duces considerable sensation. It is objected prothat it is both derogatory to our honour and injurious to our interest. There unhappily exists in our country a sort of morbid sensibility to honour, a techy disposition to understand insult where there is none, and particularly where resentment, if we should discover any, would cost us dear. Now, for our part, we confess we can find nothing, in this proposition, in the shape of insult, nothing to which it would be degrading to our country to acquiesce. We believe very few have paid any attention to the peculiar situation and circumstances of the tract of country in question. The boundary of the United States, on our maps, runs through the lakes to the west end of Lake Superior-from that to the Lake of the Woods; then down the Mississippi. We are habituated to consider the Indian country in the same light, that we should a part of Massachusetts or any other state: Whereas it is essentially different. The Northwestern boundary of the United States, was a mere conventional affair, between us and Great Britain, which prevented the latter or any Advices from our ministers at Ghent have other nation from colonizing that tract of terbeen received. The first, and of course the ritory. The Indians' own the soil, and we highest claims of Great Britain, if negotiation have recognized their independent right to it is not suspended, are before the American by frequent treaties. If Great Britain were to government and people. On subjects of such ask us to cede her the extensive tract of Indeep interest, we are far from disposed to dian lands between lakes Huron, Superior, and speak but with a respectful deference to pub- the Mississippi, we could only give her a quit lick opinion. We have perused the docu- claim, for the land is not our's, nor pretended ments with attention, and we trust with an unto be so. But she does not ask us to cede it to biassed mind, except the allowable bias of reher. She proposes that we should only agree gard to the honour and welfare of our native not to purchase nor conquer it, from the abocountry. It is well known we were not among riginal proprietors, and she agrees to bind those, who believed Great Britain would rise herself to the same restriction. As she offers in the tone of her demands, under the influ- to interdict herself, forever, the right of occupy. ence of her recent prosperity. We did not cx-ing the lands or any part of them, so secured pect she would make great sacrifices on our to the Indians, she would acquire no territory part, and the degradation of our country, the by such a stipulation. She can have no moalternative of revengeful war; and we rejoice tive to this claim, but the very one, which she that we can discover no ground of disappoint-professes-that these shall be a permanent ment. We rejoice most cordially in the op- neutral barrier between the two nations,in this portunity presented to our government, of restoring the blessings of peace on honourable collisions in future, in that remote region, quarter, which shall prevent the possibility of where it would always be difficult for either We shall now consider the several proposi-government to control the conduct of their tions in their order. Some of them, it is to be subjects or citizens. A point of honour in this observed, are advanced as indispensable, oth-question is therefore wholly factitious. If our ers as subjects of negotiation. This important distinction will be duly regarded. The first is, the right to take native British seamen from on board American merchant vessels. This is proposed only as a subject of discussion. It has been amply treated in legislative debates and newspaper speculation for years, in this country, and we are confidentries to come? a large majority of the American people are perfectly ready to recognize the right. The principle is claimed by all the maritime nations of Europe; it has been enforced by our

terms.

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government then have no sinister motives, which depend on domestick policy, they can only object, from a desire to reserve to themselves the rights of purchase and conquest. Is the right of purchase an object, when gov ernment already possess more land on the frontier, than can be sold or settled for centuLet a candid publick judge. Before we obtain a right by conquest, it must be acquired by wars with the rightful owners. Shall we fight the English, that we may reserve Tuesday, Oct. 18.

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a right to fight the Indians and take their posobject should protract the miseries of war an sessions by force? God forbid that such an hour.

ject of lands which are actually in the possesWe have confined our remarks to the subsion of the Indians: for the British ministers have not pretended that they should insist on any that we now occupy.

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We have thought proper, thus far, as our government pretend to act for the nation, to consider the subject in a national point of discover any thing offensive in the proposition view: And we confess ourselves unable to -any reason why it should not be admitted as a matter of fair discussion-or any injury tha would arise to the United States, if the Indian lands are confirmed to them forever.

But, as a citizen of the state of Massachusetts, as an inhabitant of that section of the Union, called New England, the proposition agreeable light. So far from regretting such appears to us in a far more interesting and a condition, as the one before us, the Atlantick highest reason to desire sincerely that it might states, the Eastern in particular, have the be ratified, and this without any regard to the alternative, war. It contemplates an event, which, were we at perfect peace with Great Britain, it would be our decided interest to bring about, if possible, by our own exertions.

The political consequence of the Eastern states has been declining for many years. This fact is well known, for volumes have been written on the alarming subject. With the decline of our political influence, our prosperity, once so enviable, We have found our counsels overruled; our has disappeared. profitable occupations arrested; our rights invaded; and thousands of our citizens compelpursued, to quit their native soil, and emigrate led, by the course of the policy which has been

into the south western desert.

Who does not know that new states were tracting parties, to create political weight ushered into the rights of the old federal concal weight turned the scale in favour of Embaragainst us? Who does not know that that politigoes, Non-importation, and at last of war? Who does not see from the quarter whence war had its warmest support, that the pretexts were false, and that one of the real and most decisive objects was to impoverish the Atlantick and principally the commercial states, lands, which speculation had obtained from the and drive our citizens to the west, to settle the Indians? Why are we now so fast awakening to our danger; why are we listening with increasing complacency to rumours of dissolving the Union, if it is not because, we see ing for our ruin, against the operation of which, there is a private but powerful interest workthe exercise of our suffrages and all our conry? Shall WE then grumble that any obstastitutional privileges is but a bootless mockecle presents to the endless augmentation of of war and misery to give further scope to a western states? Shall we exclaim in favour system of speculation, which has brought us into our present calamity, and is hurrying us and beggar our families on purpose to make to destruction? Shall we expose our lives our case more hopeless? What interest can we possibly have in farther encroachments upon Indian territory? If the field remain open, and more lands are purchased, it must be with the treasury of the Union, which we shall be forced to replenish; if obtained by war, we shall be taxed to support it, and all this to make ourselves more completely slaves, more absolutely dependent than we are at present! Do our Ohio and Kentucky men expect this?

Then we trust they will find themselves deceived. Why are our legislative guardians solemnly deliberating on Conventions, but to seek redress for wrongs, which we suffer from the undue preponderance of the back country, and secure us, if possible, from positive vassalage? And shall we, when driven almost to desperation by our present evils, court the horrors of war, to make them worse?

But Great Britain would probably do more. For such a concession it is presumed she would admit the privilege of curing fish on her eastern shores. This we cannot claim of right, nor can we expect to obtain it by force; yet it is said to be a privilege of consequence, and if so, principally to Massachusetts.

Civil officers, such as judges, justices, &c. to be continued,-all revenues to be paid to British collectors-martial law to be estab

shed-all who will take an oath of neutrality to be protected in their persons and property, and be allowed to trade coastwise within the district. All who take an oath of allegiance at liberty to trade to England, West Indies, &c. Castine to be the port of entry and clearance.

The recent elections in various parts of the Union have exhibited great changes favourable to federalism. In the district of Philadelceed four democrats. phia four federal members of Congress suc

Taking the whole subject into view, instead of discovering in this demand a cause of conWe are confident, that every hour this sub-tinuing the miseries of an unnatural war, if our ject is contemplated, it will appear more and ministers are disposed to negotiate, and are more desirable that Indian territory should instructed to seek peace, we cannot conceive forever remain such as it is. We have already why they should refuse to admit it, as a topick land enough for a population that might defy of discussion. It indeed required the preoccuthe world in arms, and support millions yet pation of the publick sentiment by irritating unborn. Jefferson himself declared this, years reports, and unfounded suggestions, to make ago, and he never uttered a more unquestion- us perceive in this third demand, guarded as able truth. For a more equitable distribution it was by explanations to avoid alarming our of political power, we have every inducement pride, the tone "of a conquering to a conto contend, but an extension of national terri- quered nation." Are we to be forever the tory would only weaken the Union, as it res- dupes of cabinet chicanery, the sport of pas-ington. pects foreign nations, and render its dissolu- sions excited but with a view to make us subtion a more necessary and certain event. scribe voluntarily to our own destruction? We have only introduced a train of reflection, which we trust our readers will pursue and now let us examine the third point.

It is proposed to run a line from the coast of New Brunswick to Quebeck, and that we should cede the portion of Maine which this line would exclude, to Great Britain. This demand is not offered as a sine qua non of peace.

We can conceive of no interest the government of the United States can take in this question, which must not more deeply effect the state of Massachusetts herself. The north corner of Maine, it may be seen by Maps, (for we know nothing else about it) runs up in the form of an acute angle, between the British Provinces of Canada and New Brun wick. Receding from the sea coast to a great distance, and affording, in its present situation, no facility of intercourse with the world, it has remained unsettled and unexplored. Thus shut out from the ocean and contiguous to the wilds of a foreign territory, to Massachusetts it is worth no more than as many acres in the Moon. But why then do the English wish it? Yes let our jealousy be now awake, for it may prove serviceable. They say they do not wish it for sake of the soil, but to open a direct communication from Quebeck to New Brunswick. A glance at the map will shew that this must be, to them, a great object, and that such a communication would doubtless be speedily effected, if the proposed cession were to take place. The idea we have to suggest is merely speculative, but it appears to us unquestionable, that for the advantages which would arise from a line of settlements from Quebeck direct to the river St. Croix, Massachusetts might barter the tract beyond, to great advantage. Why would it not give value to an extensive frontier, which is now absolutely worthless? The intercourse between the two extremities, would be immense, bordering, through the whole extent, on our territory. Towns and villages would appear, where our wolves are now prowling in quiet.

If there be any thing in this, it is not a tame proposal to give away to Great Britain what is useless to us, merely for her accommodation. It is but converting what we cannot use, to such a purpose as shall render what we reserve of real value. It is but pursuing the policy of proprietors of uncultivated lands, who give a portion gratis, to settlers, whose improvements and society may encourage further immigration. We need not urge a consideration so well understood in this country, that circumstances, alone, give value to any soil.

One other claim remains, but this with some
general remarks, we must postpone to our
next. Our limits permit us only to add, that,
if our ministers are not so infatuated and rash
as to break off the negotiation, on their own
responsibility or our government so bent on
war as to direct them to such an illfated step,
we are sanguine in the belief that an advanta-
geous and honourable Peace may easily be
effected. With the most scrupulous delicacy,
the British ministers have avoided the least
allusion to the circumstances under which our
hostilities begun-the motives which it betray-
ed, the perverseness with which repeated offers
of an armistice were rejected. They solemm
declare their sole object to be-PEACE AN
FUTURE SECURITY.-They give not the most
remote intimation of an intention or desire to
deprive us of those important rights, our Fish-
eries and the India trade, which many feared
we should be required to sacrifice, or engage
in a war of a more formidable aspect than any
thing we have yet experienced. Our sincere
hope is, that instructions may be given to con-
tinue the negotiation; our fear, God grant it
may not be well founded, is, that before the
country can express its wish, its doom will be
sealed, and that the approaching year, will be
a year of blood and desolation.

GENERAL REGISTER.

BOSTON, SATURDAY, OCT. 22, 1814.

CONGRESS. On the 10th, the documents by Mr. Dallas, from our ministers at Ghent were sent, by the President, with a Message, to Congress. This and the Taxes have been the principal subjects before them, since our last. They have resolved not to quit Wash

The President's instructions to our ministers at Ghent have been before Congress, with closed doors; with some omissions, they are ordered to be printed.

The STATE LEGISLATURE adjourned on Thursday last, to the third Wednesday of January next. Beside a great variety of usual legislative business, they passed a bill for raising 10,000 troops, to be enlisted for one year, or during the war; to receive the same pay as the troops of the United States, and the advice of Council. officers to be appointed by the Governour with

Both Houses in convention, on Tuesday, appointed the following gentlemen, for the proposed conference at Hartford.

Hon. George Cabot, Harrison G. Otis, Timothy Bigelow, Nathan Dane, William Prescott, Samuel S. Wilde, George Bliss, Joshua Thomas, Hodijah Baylies, Joseph Lyman, Daniel Waldo, Stephen Longfellow.

LITERARY AND MISCELLANEOUS.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

THE WRITER, No. XXIII.

I HAVE NO Comments to make upon the following letter. To the Writer." Sir,-WHEN persons are ungratefully, or wantonly injured or aggrieved, there are variSometimes ous ways of seeking redress. wars are waged for revenge; sometimes the aid of civil law is implored to compel justice, and sometimes the sufferers lift only the humbler weapons of complaint, and expect satisfaction and favour by spreading these comNow as I am forplaints before the world.

FOREIGN. No foreign news, except a few particulars from Halifax. Admiral Coch-bidden by my benign sovereign and master, rane was there on the 12th, and about 3000 to engage in war, and as many of the injuries troops. The 98th Regiment had arrived from which are done to me are not cognizable by the Castine. It was there believed that Lord Hill laws of men, I think it proper, through you, would have sailed from England in September. to lay my complaints before mankind, with DOMESTICK. Niagara. The Buffalo the hope that when they shall have candidly, Gazette of Oct. 12 states that General Izard's and seriously considered my case, they will army crossed the river at Black Rock, that feel their ingratitude; and have good sense morning, and would the next day move down enough to correct abuses, which are a reproach to themselves, and highly dishonour me. And the Canada shore, the whole force 8,000 reg-permit me,sir, to say, that if you yourself knew

ular troops.

Sackett's Harbour, On the 14th Commodore Chauncey's fleet were moored head and stern across the harbour, in battle order. Sir James Yeo came out on the 11th with his force, including his large ship, but returned the next day. As he has now the command of the lake, it is supposed our fleet will not leave port this season.

Castine. Gen. Sherbroke has issued

a

Proclamation ordaining a provisional govern-
ment for that part of Maine east of Penobscot.

me as you ought, you would become an advocate in my cause, and acknowledge the advantages which you enjoy in the world through my influence. I am respectable for my age, illustrious from my origin and descent, and intitled, not only to veneration for my pure and unblameable character, but to the highest love and affection, for my universal benevolence, and good will to mankind." This may be thought speaking my own praise; but, whereever I am truly known, I can appeal with

confidence for the full acknowledgement of these merits.

and by the other, as too degraded an image to be worthy of any adoration or respect. Thus, That I am respectable, and venerable for however plain, unassuming, open, and ingenmy age, will be readily allowed; when I in-uous my character is, I am frequently repreform you that I was cotemporary with the first sented as intricate, forbidding, mysterious, and man, and that I have consequently existed hard to be understood. I believe there are near six thousand years. 'Tis true I was many honest and well meaning people, who rather in my non-age until the year of the are deterred from courting my acquaintance world four thousand and four. I then attained and becoming my friends, from seeing such complete and perfect maturity, and was dis- quarrels, and hearing the very different stotinguished by a most glorious exaltation. My ries that are told about me by these false adcharacter was formed, my office and duties, vocates. But if they would examine my famand rights, and requirements, were then most ily records, which are always open for inspecfully pointed out, and so plainly exhibited to tion, and the declarations of the wise men of the world, that none, to whom my true name old, who have attested to the truth of those and credentials are sent, can plead excuse, or records, they will be able to judge better of ignorance, if they do not render me the re- my nature and character themselves, and not spect and consideration, which is my due, and be deceived by false representations. What I their "reasonable service." desire is, that I may be received by all men as the friend of all. There are few persons who will not allow that I ought to have some rule over the actions of men, and yet no one is ready to submit his actions to my control. Some think that my authority in the world is very proper, to restrain the wicked and licentious; but as for themselves, they can do very well without me. Others pretend that I am only a fit companion for the poor, the friendless, and the afflicted. To such indeed I am the happy messenger of peace and consolation; but in the end it will be found that such consolation is equally necessary to the rich and RELIGION. prosperous.

I was sent into the world for the happiness of the world, and if mankind did not forsake and despise me, I should certainly make them happy. My requirements of men are few, and simple, and easily performed, and are surely rewarded with abundance of peace "and joy unspeakable." Yet ungrateful man is discontented and disobedient; and regardless of my proffered friendship, "has sought out many inventions" by which he may evade my easy laws, and disappoint my benevolent designs. Instead of love and good will to each other, which would be so serviceable to feeble and imperfect beings, which would so alleviate the natural miseries of human life ; instead of that friendship and endearing intercourse which it is my desire and object to promote, they despise or neglect my advice, and quarrel, and cheat, and revile, and slay one another, and thus reject the happiness I have endeavoured to procure them in that harmony which is as the dew of Hermon, or as the precious ointment upon the head, that ran down on the beard, even Aaron's beard; that went down to the skirts of his garment. I have always had a host of enemies in the lusts and passions, and prejudices of the world, but the subject of my present complaint shall be confined to the folly, misconduct, and deceitfulness of those who pretend to be my friends. There are some people who boast of my acquaintance, and acknowledge my goodness and friendship, out of mere politeness, and to conform to the fashion of the times; but this is only a cold and external respect, and when alone, they feel no affection for my character, no gratitude for my benefits, no interest in my prosperity: still worse, for when they mix with rude and vulgar company, they often openly laugh at, and insult me. There are others who make farther pretensions to my favour; they come to my house at appointed seasons to pay their respects, provided, they have no urgent business, or fair excuses to detain them; but in this there is usually more formality than affection; and many of them come here as they would go to the levee of some great man, only to see the company, make their unmeaning bow and retire.

There is another class who often bring me into disrepute, by their over-zealous pretensions, and injudicious endeavours to do me service. These dress me up in a sort of fantastical habit, which pleases only their own prejudices and perverse tastes, but which renders me ridiculous to every body else, and then insist that it is wrong for me to go abroad in any other dress. A quarrel, which is very prejudicial to my true character and interest, usually ensues, and I am abused by one party, as an Idol set up without any authority,

About the middle of the last "Writer," for vice of modesty, read, veil of modesty.

POETS.

POETRY is a blossom of very delicate
growth; it requires the maturing influence of
vernal suns, and every encouragement of cul-
ture and attention, to bring it to its natural
perfection. The pursuits of the mathematician,
or the mechanical genius, are such as require
rather strength and insensibility of mind, than
that exquisite and fine-wrought susceptibility,
which invariably marks the temperament of the
true poet; and it is for this reason, that while
men of science have not unfrequently arisen
from the hut of poverty and labour, very few
legitimate children of the muse have ever
the shades of hereditary
emerged from
obscurity.

human society, if it was only necessary for men to kill each other to acquire the right of doing one another, in other respects, all the mischief possible?-to break their word-to lie, provided nobody dared to say, " You have lied;" in short, to separate loyalty from bravery, and transform courage into a mode of obtaining social impunity !"--Madame Stael.

POETRY.

EXTRACTS FROM LARA,

A VERY INTERESTING POEM BY LORD BIRON,
Which will be issued this day (or shortly) from the press of
Messrs. Wells & Lilly.

DANGERS OF UNGUIDED YOUTH.
"LEFT by his sire, too young such loss to know,
Lord of himself ;-that heritage of wo,
That fearful empire, which the human breast
But holds to rob the heart within of rest!-
With none to check, and few to point in time
The thousand paths that slope the way to crime;
Then when he most required commandment, then
Had Lara's daring boyhood govern❜d men.
It skills not, boots not step by step to trace
His youth through all the mazes of its race;
Short was the course his restlessness had run,
But long enough to leave him half undone.”

FRUITS OF EARLY DISSIPATION.
"His early dreams of good outstripped the truth,
And troubled manhood followed baffled youth;
with thought of years in phantom chase mispent,
And wasted powers for better purpose lent ;
And fiery passions that had poured their wrath
In hurried desolation o'er his path,
And left the better feelings all at strife
In wild reflection o'er his stormy life ;

But haughty still, and loth himself to blame,

He called on Nature's self to share the shame,
And charged all faults upon the fleshly form
He gave to clog the soul, and feast the worm;
Till he at last confounded good and ill,

And half mistook for fate the acts of will."

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOя.

BERED!"

WHEN the morn opes from clouds of the purest of
gold,

And the beauties of Spring and of Autumn unfold,
When thanks by all Nature in silence are paid,
THEN, I think, midst THIS scene of that beautiful maid.

At noon, when the sunbeams are scorching and hot,
Then slowly I enter her health-breathing grot,
Or recline on the grass, in her favourite shade
Retracing the form of that beautiful maid.

It is painful to reflect how many a bard lies nameless and forgotten, in the narrow house, ON BEING ASKED, "WHETHER HE REMEMwho, had he been born to competence and leisure, might have usurped the laurels from the most distinguished personages in the temple of Fame. The very consciousness of merit itself often acts in direct opposition to a stimulus to exertion, by exciting that mournful indignation at suppositious neglect, which urges a sullen concealment of talents, and drives its possessor to that misanthropick discontent which preys on the vitals, and soon produces untimely mortality. A sentiment like this has, no doubt, often actuated beings, who attracted notice, perhaps, while they lived, only by their singularity, and who were forgotten almost ere their parent earth had closed over their heads; beings who lived but to mourn and to languish for what they were never destined to enjoy, and whose exalted endowments were buried with them in their grave, by the want of a little of that superfluity which serves to pamper the debased appetites of the enervated sons of luxury and sloth."

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In the silence of night, when I wander alone,
And all the world's visions of splendour are gone,
When the air is all still and the night shadows fade,
Then I think as I walk, of that beautiful maid.

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED FOR

JOHN PARK,

BY MUNROE & FRANCIS,
NO. 4 CORNHILL.
Price three dollars per annum, balf in advance.

E.

DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES.

VOL. I.

POLITICAL.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

BRITISH PROPOSALS FOR PEACE. THE subject of the Lakes only remains to be considered. The ministers of Great Britain claim that the western lakes, from lake Ontario to lake Superiour, inclusive, be used by us, only for commercial purposes, leaving to her the sole military command of them, both by sea and land we to have neither forts on our side, nor vessels of war of any description on the lakes.

This

In the first place, we are not to understand, that by announcing such a claim, Great Britain says, agree to this, or I will make you. is the impression of many, and, probably, because she was our mother, we are jealous that whatever she says, she speaks as one having authority. In the nature of a negotiation, like this at Ghent, the meaning of a claim, even if advanced as a sine qua non, is no more than this-Such a point is of so much consequence to me, I must prefer the evils and hazard of war, whatever they may be, to a peace without securing it. Stripped of all previous impressions therefore, the mere term claim, need not alarm that vivid sense of honour, which, since France has ceased to kick, insult, and command us, has become so fashjonable.

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if a peace is not effected before the approaching summer, Mr. Madison will find that the lakes will be entirely forgotton, in the perils which the seaboard will have to sustain.

command them-and to command them can be no object, unless to facilitate an invasion of Canada. I will by no means avail myself of the present popular disgust with the "hopeless" policy of making war upon Great Britain, But is it not to be inferred from this reaby attacking the Canadas. But I boldly ven- soning, that the command of these waters is ture to assert, that, if ever it be an object to likewise of small consequence to Great Britthe United States to take possession of the ain? Why then is it made a prominent, Canadas, and we have an army devoted to that though not an essen.ial, condition of peace? enterprize, sufficient to accomplish it, our gen- The British commissioners give this explanaerals will never embark in boats to cross the tion: "The joint possession of the lakes, and lakes-the road is open-the passage is direct; a right common to both nations to keep up a we have but to march over the lines, without naval force on them, necessarily produce colwaiting for naval combats, wind, or weather, lisions and render Peace insecure." The truth and proceed at once to Montreal and Quebeck. of this is evident, and it is at least as much The present administration have found to their our interest as hers to guard against probable sorrow and disgrace, that the grand difficulty occasions of future war. But why then is she is not to get at Canada. Hull easily crossed not willing to agree there shall be no naval the lines-but gave up his army, and came force, on either side, on the lakes? Because, back a prisoner on parole. Dearborn was in though England" could not be supposed to Canada, but returned in haste. Wilkinson expect to make conquests in that quarter," it easily advanced to the stone mill, much near- is the wayward, absurd policy of our rulers, to er Montreal than a fleet could have transport- rely on that route inte Canada, rather than any ed him, but he went no farther. Our grand other. The British government cannot oblige array at Niagara have been months within the ours to act with common sense, in the manlines of Canada; have lost many thousand men, agement of our own concerns. Though the but have never been twenty miles in advance lakes are not in fact the preferable, they afof the river. The struggle for the lakes was ford a practicable passage into Canada. The long the miserable pretence, on which our command of this passage is therefore one segovernment excused the failure of their prom-curity to that colony. They cannot place the ise to reduce these colonies in six months. province out of danger, for, in the nature of Our gallant seamen took command of the things, it is and must ever be "essentially In what other sense is this proposition de-es; but our armies still prefer the route weaker than the United States;" but for this grading? If the British ministers had said, reason, they probably consider it the more imAs for the lakes, the possession of them is of portant, to reduce the extent of exposed fronno consequence to us-we do not consider the tier as much as possible. Canadas in danger, from any harm you can do us-we hold your maritime efforts in contempt-fill the lakes with your squadrons, in welcome, we can annihilate them at pleasure, and your armies with them. I say, if such language had been used, probably every man in the United States would have pronounced it an abominable insult. When she expresses directly the reverse, shall we insist that this is insulting too? The reasons for this claim are given in very explicit terms, our power to molest her colony, while the lakes are, in every respect, common to both. There, say her ministers, we are, and must be, comparatively weak-there you can injure us, and we must guard against it by treaty.

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But there is another sense in which this clain might be degrading-If it involved the sacrifice of some great boon, on our part, to demand it would be insulting, because none but a humbled nation could consent to make great sacrifices. The grounds of such an objection will present themselves in their true light, while we proceed to inquire, whether the right to maintain a naval force on the lakes is of consequence to us, or not?

Why should we wish to have a naval force on the lakes? In time of peace, it will be readily admitted, that lake fleets can be only a tax upon the nation, without a shadow of advantage. In time of war with Great Britain, whenever that may be, the lakes cannot be necessary as a scene of battle. For the purposes of fighting, the ocean will always afford us scope enough. If we would have a naval force on the lakes, it must be with a view to

which secures a ready retreat. I apprehend no
controversy in affirming plainly, that to main-
tain fleets on these waters, in peace, would be
a national expense, wholly useless-and that,
in case of war, and a serious intention to take
possession of the Canadas, our troops would
march, not sail.

Thus much in regard to offensive operations.
Is the military command of the lakes of any
greater consequence to us, for security and
defence?

The command of the lakes would give us no security. Reversing the mere circumstance of aggression, it is plain, cannot affect the argument; it is the same. Whenever the British are prepared to invade us from Canada, a wide frontier is as open on one side, as the other. With land force enough, they might march down to Albany; the lakes are out of their way, and no navy there could of fer us the least assistance; they neither constitute nor command the passage.

But the danger of invasion from Canada, is in itself a gross absurdity. We have now compelled the British to send a respectable force to that quarter, to guard themselves; but whenever England would strike an offensive blow, she will not send her armies hundreds of miles, through rivers and lakes, to place them on a frontier, where they must traverse woods as many hundred miles more to reach us; if she wished to injure us, she would strike upon the Atlantick coast at once. When a powerful nation, directed by an intelligent government, makes war, she goes where her enemy is, not where he is not-she seeks his property, not the desert; and though prophesy is not immediately connected with our argument, we do not hesitate to predict, that

Admit then that by such a regulation Great Britain could strengthen her Canadian provin ces against our encroachments. Is it not her duty to herself to accomplish it, if practic..ble? Then why should we consider it an insult to us, that she should attempt it? Divest the subject of every imaginary cause of feeling, and we are confident, were the agreement to give her the exclusive military command of the lakes signed this moment, not a man in the United States would murmur.

Having dilated considerably on this article, we will now quit the subject, by stating its several bearings in a closer view. Our positions we presume will not be disputed, and we submit them to the serious reflection of readers, every one of whom has a deep interest in the course our government, may pur

sue.

Our use of the lakes, for commercial purposes, is not to be molested.

If there be but one naval power on the lakes, there will be no rivalship, jealousies, nor conteinion.

If England possess that power, she will only use it for defense; for Canada alone can never make war on the United States; and when England is at war with us, policy will always direct her operations against the Atlantick coast.

But if it ever be our wish and our interest to conquer the Canadas, we have but to cross the Niagara or the St. Lawrence. Fleets in the lakes would be a great and unneces...y expense; a wasting of our naval stre where it might as well be dispensed with

and proportionally our seaboard, where it would be essential.

Why then should we continue war for the military command of the lakes ?

We have said nothing of fortresses on our own shores, for as the arguments offered by the British ministers do not apply to them, we consider them as mentioned as a mere offset to the claim advanced by our ministers for indemnification for captures since the war.

And now, to qualify the whole, let it be observed that the documents from Ghent inform us, this claim was but stated by the British ministers" as a subject upon which the discussion would be likely to turn.". It is not proposed as a sine qua non, and therefore,if ever so inadmissible in its nature, was no necessary barrier to negotiation-yet it is much to be feared our ministers will be abruptly ordered to return, or perhaps they have already quit the ground!!!

Had this war been the very reverse of what it is-had it been waged against an outrageous, irreconcileable fce, it has now assumed so threatening an aspect, the situation of the country has become so deplorable, and the perils we must brave so augmented, peace, even if attended with some sacrifices, would certainly, for the present, be sound policy. The government, no longer relying on its own tes to del means, calls on the states defend themselves -our publick debt has accumulated beyond all calculation. The national credit is gonemoney cannot be borrowed at any interestthe treasury is bankrupt; for though distressing taxes have been levied and enormous appropriations have been made, it is thirteen millions of dollars worse than empty, and yet thousands of demands have not been credited! Old taxes are doubled, and new ones proposed on the principal comforts and conveniences of life. Several portions of our country are already in possession of the enemy, and double, if not treble the force that has yet assailed us, is daily expected on our coasts.

But the war was only a profligate scheme of party madness from the first, fatal to both our merchants and seamen, for whom it was professedly waged. Whatever the cabal who began it may pretend, it does not now change its character. The despatches, so far from giving us occasion to make common cause with our rulers, oblige them to commit a new crime, even more aggravated than the first, if they persist in their struggle when so fair a prospect of accommodation is presented.

Can Mr. Madison possibly expect, that, under such circumstances, the people will still be the victims of that delusion which favoured his impostures, when the multitude felt no alarm?

Let him take his course-we disdain an attempt to intimidate him ; but the moment is probably not far distant when this truth will flash on the publick mind throughout New England-that whatever our tyrants at the south may think, who have brought upon us the horrors of war, the terms of peace proposed by Great Britain as indispensable, are such as it would be our interest to have confirmed! ! That if we submit to our miseries longer, we do worse than fight for nothing; we fight against our interests! Will this author of our calamities tell us, what we have to fear, if we secure our safety and immediate prosperity by peace? An attachment to the Union, that rope about our necks, by which we have long been held in cruel bondage, still exposes us to voluntary sufferings; but let our treasury reports be circulated among the people-let the tax-gatherers demand a list of our furniture, provisions, and clothing-let our

yeomanry be again called to quit their homes, to defend these states, and then see whether we find any objection to the English taking their own seamen-the Indians keeping their own lands-the Canadians defending their own territory, or to our own Massachusetts making a profitable bargain, for a worthless corner of the state-if, as an alternative, we can have honourable peace and prosperity. Far be it from us, in humble obscurity, to In such a crisis, we too propose measures. strongly feel our incompetence to indulge in such presumption. We are satisfied that our destinies are under the control of that Providence which prepares and accomplishes events in perfect wisdom; that Providence which seldom fails to mark out to the honest patriot the course to be pursued, the path of rectitude, duty, and happiness.

sive they appeared to men of reflection; and at this moment we are persuaded the general impression is, that they contain nothing to forbid the progress of negotiation; and that if an honourable peace is not effected, it will be because our government prefer war.

The stronger this impression grows, the more desperate appears our situation. The people have looked forward to the meeting of the ministers at Ghent, with the utmost sulicitude. They now find, the first and highest claims of the British, such as open a door for an honourable negotiation and an advantageous But both our ministers and President peace. and perhaps a majority in Congress are for taking offence, and repeating their old trick, at this awful crisis. If this prove to be the case, our last hope vanishes!

GENERAL REGISTER.

I WRITE Very freely on the present critical state of the Union, and my justification is such, I hope, as will prevent any one from BOSTON, SATURDAY, OCT. 29, 1814. taking offence, if there should be any readerwhose views are different.

My justification is this. I offer no reflections, but such as appear to me to force them My sugselves irresistibly on the mind. gesting the probability of great political changes will not produce them; if they take place, they will grow spontaneously out of imperious circumstances; and the silence of every publick writer will not prevent them!

If there be a possibility of continuiug the federal compact, in any thing like its present form, it will depend on the adoption of measures, by the cabinet or Congress, which shall make an adherence to the existing government desirable. The only chance that remains of inducing the administration to adopt such measures, is to speak freely on the tendency of what they are doing..

THE National Intelligencer insultingly hints, that it is fear of the English that induces Massachusetts to adopt the language, which has recently been heard from our Legislature. We are not quite such shallow-brained politicians as to be pricked into the ranks of an infatuated President, by such insinuations. We are no more afraid of the English now than we were when war was declared. Both the evils we are beginning to suffer and their consequences were then foreseen by many. But evils in prospect never induce a people to step much out of their usual course of actiona consciousness of this produced something in our state rulers, a year ago, that looked then like timidity of another kind. Our general government were so blinded by their folly as to be deceived by it. They thought, because we did not take our stand at the sight of calamity, we were pledged to endure it to any extremity. A little deeper knowledge of human nature would have taught them better.

The propositions of the British ministers at Ghent shew plain enough, that Great Britain, though forced to be at war with us, is not so much our enemy, as the government we serve. The only condition which they insist upon, and

say must be conceded, is one which the United States may admit, without the least injury, and therefore without the least dishonour.

This is so very obvious, that with all the care taken, before the documents appeared, to prepossess the publick mind against them, there was no evidence of any considerable sensation, when they were first perused. The documents themselves brought an antidote to the misrepresentations circulated in advance. Every day they were examined, the less repul

to

FOREIGN. A few articles from London papers,

the 29th of August have been received by the way

of Halifax.

They give as the latest news from Ghent, that diffi culties had occurred in the negotiation-that the John Adams had gone home for instructions—and that the British ministers were expected daily to return.

Reinforcements for regiments already in America, and detachments from others in England, were proceeding to Plymouth and Cork, to embark on the American expedition, which is said to be bound first to Bermuda. They are to be joined by the British troops now at Madeira. It was confidently asserted that Lord Hill would embark in the Valiant; on what day was not announced.

Algerine cruisers have taken several Swedish, Danish, Dutch and Spanish merchantmen, and were still in the Atlantick. The Swedish vessels had been lib. erated.

Ferdinand has ameliorated the Inquisition so far as to interdict the use of torture to extort confessions. Detachments of Austrian, Russian and Prussian troops have been sent to Tuscany to pass over to Elba. Is the little Exile restless?

Bernadotte is still engaged in military operations against Norway. Is is not true, as reported, that he had accomplished any decisive victory. The Envoys from the other European powers, who had attempted to mediate, had made a fruitless attempt and with drawn.

It is reported by the way of New Orleans that onhearing that Ferdinand had annulled the Constitution proposed by the Cortes, the government of New Mex ico had declared itself independent.

DOMESTICK. The report of the defeat and capture of General Drummond's army by Gen. Izard proves wholly unfounded. On the contrary, General İzard had fallen back upon French creek, the British having been strongly reinforced.

From the Chesapeake we learn that several British ships of war had gone to sea, and a sloop of war and three transports had arrived.

The Governour of Pennsylvania has been required to furnish 4000 men for the service of the United States, to rendezvous in a direction towards Baltimore. The legislature of Rhode Island assemble next Monday. We trust that they will be of the sentiment expressed in a respectable Rhode Island paper, that "measures should be adopted to secure those resour ces, now profligately wasted in offensive operations, for the protection of our own firesides.

The British being reinforced near Niagara, and our army and fleet confined to Sackett's harbour, our war against Canada, is, after all, brought to a complete stand, and nothing effected. So much for three years

war and our seventy-two million debt !!

The flag was hoisted on Fort Strong, at noon, last Wednesday. Three forts at South Boston are in great

forwardness.

CONGRESS. The House of Representatives have diency of rebuilding or repairing the President's appointed a select Committee to inquire into the expe house, capitol, and publick offices.

Both branches have agreed to purchase Mr. Jeffer son's library for the use of Congress.

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