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DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES.

VOL. I.

POLITICAL.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

BOSTON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 8, 1814.

The first instance of burning private dwelling houses or stores, which occurred in this unhappy war, was the destruction of several British stores and houses at Queenstown by a

The Temper with which the present unhappy body of seamen and troops who landed for the

WAR has been carried on.

DR. PARK,

It cannot appear surprising to those, who know how small a degree of resentment and exasperation existed in this country against Great Britain, more especially after the repeal of the Orders in Council, that the author of this unjust war should have thought it necessary to excite the passions of the people, in order to induce them to submit to the privations, disgrace, and horrors, of which it must necessarily be the occasion. Whatever may be said about the question of Impressment, it was certainly rather a metaphysical and theoretical, than a practical and feeling one. It never was so extensive in its worst state, as to induce the navigating states, who were the only sufferers, to clamour for redress. But after Munroe and Pinkney's informal arrangement, it had utterly ceased to be a subject of actual excitement. The report of the able committee of the legislature of Massachusetts, that there were only eleven cases of Impressment, which came within their cognizance, still existing as causes of complaint, very well accounts for the calmness with which the Eastern States viewed this question, and for the just indignation, which they felt, in seeing the back-woodsmen of Kentucky and Ohio, (many of whom scruple not to murder an Indian for his pack of furs) affecting to be engaged for the sufferings of the seamen of the Eastern States.

This state of calmness towards Great Britain, arising from a conviction of the exaggerated nature of the complaints against her, and of the strong interest we had in cultivating a good understanding with her, rendered it necessary to rouse the people by provoking Great Britain to acts of severe retaliation. The same policy which drove us into a war on the side of France, who had injured and insulted us beyond what any independent nation ever before submitted to, led our rulers to measures of an unexampled character.

It is well known that individuals in this town, in the interest of government, repeatedly declared, that they should be willing to lose their own houses, if Great Britain would only rouse the nation to hostility by burning the

town.

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The second fact I would notice is the seizure, both at Newark and in Lower Canada, of many private citizens included in the list of non-combatants, the removal of them from their estates, and the returning of them as A friend of mine, who saw prisoners of war.

the unhappy collection of sufferers, trepanned all of them private citizens, and objects of pity by Col. Clarke, assured me they were nearly rather than terror.

We do not remember that

Bonaparte has even attempted this species of oppression, over his unhappy victims.

Fism by asking Gen. Hull, Gen Van Rensselaer, Shall we offend against the duties of patriotand Gen. Harrison, whether Great Britain did

NO. II.

had a colour for her conduct. She found her own men fighting against her. They acknowledged themselves her subjects. It is said they traitors to her, or else we ourselves could punwere not Englishmen. Prima facie, they were

ish no man who should be taken in the enemy's ranks who had been once an American.

If honest principles and exact retaliation had been the only object, and not settled purposes of exasperation; the true course would have been to seize the Americans caught in arms on the British side, and hold them as hos

tages. This would be precisely reciprocal. If you hang your traitors, we will hang ours. Further than this. humanity, reciprocity, the laws and usages of nations forbid you to go.

Will it be said that we had no Americans, caught in British pay, on whom we could retaliate?

Mr. Madison is precluded from saying this, since in his message he declares such cases do exist, and such prisoners are in his possession.

Why then not limit his retaliation (even if his principle was right) to a case which is parallel?

Who would think of murdering his neighbour because he trod upon his grass? It is lives of the innocent for those of the guilty. not more extravagant to imprison and take the

I will not enlarge on this hateful subject of inhumanity. Enough has been said to satisfy every man of ordinary virtue and sense, that if cimen of ferocity in their warfare-if princithese two nations are to exhibit a novel speples, held sacred for more than 500 years, are

not release on parole all the militia taken in to be violated-if two nations, descended from
arms fighting against her ?
common ancestors, breathing the same spirit of
This was indeed heaping coals of fire upon freedom, and professing the same religion are
our heads.

"Tros Tyriusve mihi nullo discrimine agetur." In a contest for humanity we ought to know no national distinctions. We should censure, where censure is due, and applaud where we can justly approve.

Bonaparte was the first monarch in modern ages, who ever retained the subjects of his enemy, found in his territory at the breaking out of war.

It was to be hoped the precedent would not have found imitators. But the example of France seems to be too fascinating to our rulers to be resisted.

The British subjects, many of whom came here under our own doctrine of the right of expatriation, and all of them under the safeguard of Great Britain adopted a contrary policy, and the laws of nations and hospitality, were arrestthe hopes of the advocates of war were disap-ed, sent into the interior, and refused passports pointed. to quit the country.

But a system of measures has been steadily pursued, calculated, if not designed, to give the war a character of unusual asperity, and to provoke Great Britain to proceedings of a severe and irritating nature.

We have noticed some instances of this nature already, and we now proceed to call to the recollection of our readers some further examples.

All modern nations forbid the unnecessary destruction of private property; the conflagration of private houses; the capture and detenion of private citizens as prisoners of war.

Britain has permitted ours to this day to traverse her country freely, to reside where "bon il leur semble," and to quit it as they please. Some little check was given to the last power, when she was first shocked with the almost perfidious treatment of her own subjects here.

It would require more time than we can now afford to discuss the cruel and novel system of retaliation which threatens to sacrifice the lives of many brave and innocent men on both sides, and the devastation of our cities. Mr. Madison commenced it. Britain at least

to be forced into a contest of unmeasured cruelty, there are men in this country who will mane, and intelligent of both nations, a full deserve, and receive from the moderate, hushare of censure, if not execration.

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EVERY American, who regards either justice, or the honour of his country, will maintain this fact, with unyielding firmness, that the PEOPLE of the United States are not at war with Great Britain. That it is a mere party affair, effected by the President and a few ambitious men around him. Who does not well remember, that the Declaration of war, by Congress, was generally unexpected by the people, until the day it arrived ?

Should we be so unfortunate, as that these abortive, disgraceful campaigns, against a feeble British colony, defended by a few regiments of soldiers, coming and supported from across the Atlantick, could be considered a

display of the nation's strength and character, then indeed, we must make a deplorable figure, and the eyes of Europe would turn upon us with scorn.

Does not patriotism then require, that we should join all at once, and show what America can do?

What engage in a tremendous, sanguinary. war, on such grounds? If we bring forth the united energy of the nation, to help a cause, which has been weak, only because the virtue and good sense of the country were against it, we must then resolve to fight, until. Great

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Britain is destroyed. In such a struggle, it must evidently be her duty and interest to defend herself with a vigour, rising in proportion to her danger :-nay, if possible, to give a deadly blow to a nation, which assaults her, for the sake of proving that they have the power to injure. Every man can see, that if we are mad enough to make this a national war, because Mr. Madison and his party can do nothing but disgrace themselves, there could be no peace, until Great Britain could no longer meet us.

Frankfort and the Rhine; his course was about two points south of west (we state this to aid readers who have not maps.) He could not reach Erfurth, the passage being occupied by his enemies. Failing in this, he took a northwardly direction towards Brunswick and the last accounts, dated on the 19th of October, from Leipsic, state that he was closely pursued, by the allies, and the total dispersion of his remaining forces anticipated.

In these three battles, the loss of the French amounted to 82,000 men besides which, on the 18th, 17 battalions of German infantry abandoned the tyrant, and joined their friends. Thus discomfited, broken up and disgraced, where will the invader find refuge? His course was not yet foreclosed, through Brunswick, Hanover, and Westphalia, to France. But a general insurrection against him is highly probable. The inhabitants, through the whole of this circuitous route, must participate in the regenerating spirit which has roused so large a portion of Germany to assert their freedom. His enemies are continually multiplying, as his downfall advances. Bavaria, a large circle, between Bohemia and the Tyrol, has formally declared war against France, and takes the field, with an addition of 20,000 to the allied forces.

No-fellow citizens-You who disapprove of this unjust and dishonourable contest-All the world now know, this is but the war of the democratick party. Keep up the important distinction, which, happily, truth has made for us. If we have no means to prevent the administration from ruining our occupations, and squeezing our property from us, to support their servants, and corrupt the corruptible, let us preserve, what they cannot take, by force our integrity and our character. If we wish to see peace return, this is the only means of hastening it. If we would save the dear honour of the democratick party, it is a question, whether, to join them would accomplish it. If we would preserve the honour of the nation, let the world see that with a large, a respectable, and we trust a growing portion The situation of the Viceroy's army, on the of the community, THE WAR IS UNPOPU-northern frontier of Italy is not known. But LAR.

THE compact between our government and France, with respect to John Bull, seems to have been this. "You hold his head, and we will bite his legs." So we attacked Canada. But Bonaparte has been gored to the heart, and we have been sadly kicked.

GENERAL REGISTER.

BOSTON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 8, 1814.

THE WAR IN EUROPE. THOUGH it is both impossible and impious to speak with prospective confidence, as to the purposes of Providence, it may be permitted to hope, that Heaven has, at last, turned a pitying eye upon the suffering state of Europe. The position of the powerful armies in the heart of Germany, we mentioned, as justifying the expectation of a sanguinary conflict. That conflict has taken place, the tyrant has fled,— routed and beaten; half of his main army being slain, made prisoners, or united to the allies.

as a report has been received, and not contradicted, that the Austrians have reached and' possessed themselves of Venice, it is to be concluded their passage could only have been effected, but by victory over Beauharnois. This, if true, is not the only disaster, which has befallen the imperial family. Independent of the grand battles, mentioned above, about the close of September, the Russian GeneralChernicheff, commanding a distinct corps, penetrated to Cassel, the capital of Westphalia, about half way between Leipsic and the Rhine, in a di rect westwardly line. When the city was attacked, King Jerome, with his guards, and 1,000 cavalry, fled towards Frankfort. He was pursued and the rear of his escort taken. Three hundred joined the Russians, and returned to Cassel, which capitulated; the Russians entered on the 30th; were received with acclamations of joy; and reinforced by the voluntary enlistment of above 1500 of the inhabitants.

It is stated that Davoust was attacked on the 23d Oct. and lost 5,000 in prisoners. The surrender of Bremen, on the Weser, to General Tottenborn was announced at Leipsic, on the 19th of October. As this city is situated about 60 miles southwest of Hamburgh, the possession of it, by the allies, increases the peril of Davoust's situation.

All the details, of which the above is the substance, were received at Annapolis (Md.) on the 30th ult. by a British Cartel, 40 days from England, bringing London dates to the 6th of November. A general illumination had taken place in England, on account of these glorious

victories.

Early in October, Bernadotte crossed the Elbe to Dessau. General Blucher, who had driven in Bonaparte's right wing upon Dresden, and posted himself at Bautzen, moved in front of Dresden, northwestward, overcoming all opposition, until he reached Wittenberg; thus forming a junction with the Crown Prince. Bonaparte then withdrew his head quarters to Leipsic; on the 16th, General Ney was attacked by Blucher, and after a bloody battle, was defeated, with the loss of 12,000 men. On THE Prince Regent's speech, on the openthe 18th, the combined forces under Berna- ing of parliament, is received. It consists dotte, Blucher, and Prince Schwartzenburg at-principally in allusions to the brilliant succestacked Bonaparte in all his positions. The struggle was tremendous, but terminated decidedly in favour of the allies, the French loss amounting to 40,000, and about 200 pieces of cannon. The Emperour still occupied Leipsic; but on the next day (the 19th) he was assailed by the conquerors and, after a furious resistance, the city was stormed, and the Emperour compelled to retreat, with a loss of 30,000. He attempted the direct route towards

ses of the British arms, and of their allies, on the continent; and of new and powerful connexions. The remarks of the acting Sovereign of that country, with respect to the American war, will be deemed of consequence, and we insert them entire.

"The war," says the Prince, "between this country and the United States of America, still continues; but I have the satisfaction to inform you, that the measures adopted by the govern

ment of the United States, for the conquest of Canada, have been frustrated by the valour of his Majesty's troops, and by the zeal and loyalty of his American subjects.

Whilst Great Britain, in conjunction with her allies, is exerting her utmost strength, against the common enemy of independent nations, it must be matter of deep regret to find an additional enemy in the government of a country, whose real interest in the issue of this great contest must be the same as our own. It is known to the world, that this country was not the aggressor in this war.

I have not hitherto seen any disposition on the part of the government of the United States to close it, of which I could avail myself, consistently with a due attention to the interests of his Majesty's subjects.

I am at all times ready to enter into discussions with that government, for a conciliatory adjustment of the differences between the two countries upon principles of PERFECT RECIPROCITY, not inconsistent with the established maxims of publick law, and the maritime rightë of the British Empire."

In reference to their domestick concerns the Prince observes" I congratulate you on the IMPROVED and FLOURISHING state of OUR COMMERCE-and I trust that the abundant harvest which we have received from the bountiful hand of Providence, during the present year, will afford material relief to his Majesty's people, and produce a considerable augmentation to many branches of the revenue."

RUMOUR OF A NEGOCIATION FOR PEACE.

SINCE the Declaration of war, this town has not been so much agitated, by reports, as within a few days past; growing out of the arrival of the despatch vessel, at Annapolis, from England, with communications to our government. Expresses have been forwarded from merchants, south of us, ordering sales of imported goods, with scarcely any restriction; and a surprising fall in the price of sugar, coffee, &c. immediately succeeded.

The remarks of the Government paper at Washington, on the import of these despatches, are certainly not of a character to justify the sanguine hopes, which have been indulged, nor to produce that depression in the price of foreign goods, which has been experienced in our market. Coming from a source, where the whole truth was known, we consider an extract from the Intelligencer, of as much consequence, at least, as private letters, which are very contradictory. "The following facts" says the Intelligencer, "we believe may be relied on; that a flag of truce has arrived from England at Annapolis, with a despatch from the British Minister to the Secretary of State, bearing date early in November, which, although it contains no distinct proposition, may be considered as of a pacifick character. It is said that the British minister speaks in this despatch of a communication to the Russian government, and through it, with our envoys at St. Petersburgh, relating to a negotiation to be entered into between the United States and Great Britain for peace; but that no document either from the Russian government or our Envoys, in reply thereto, has been forwarded. Under such circumstances it would seem to be impossible for our government justly to appreciate the real object or intentions of the British government. Their letter relating to despatches from our Envoys might have been written on the presumption that those despatches had already reached our government. We must therefore await further arrivals before we can form any correct idea of their im

port. If, as we have reason to believe, the|vation to the throne of France, kept his subNeptune, which took our Ministers to Peters-jects engaged in foreign war, to secure his burgh, was to leave the Baltick in the latter end of October with despatches for the U. States, all doubt and uncertainty on this important subject will soon be removed."

It is always necessary, in stating our information from this paper, to advert to what may be the views of administration. We are of opinion that the accounts from Germany have, in a great measure, blasted their calculations on Bonaparte. The basis, on which all their policy has rested, is shaken-it is fast giving way; it may probably soon be demolished. Then a peace must, ere long, be made, not of choice, but of dire necessity. This being the case we presume, it has been thought not inexpedient, that the ardour for war should have a check-that some prospect of peace should be excited; and that the measures already taken, through the Russian embassy, should be considered as having led to such a result.

After attentively examining every fact, that has transpired, we are therefore disposed to conclude, that something like this has taken place, and little or nothing more.

The British government having declined to treat with the United States, through the mediation of Russia, have thought proper to signify to that court, and through that channel to our ministers, that they are still ready to enter upon a direct pacifick negociation. It is probable some new proposition of this kind may have been advanced by them, at this particular season of the year. The face of things on the European continent, has for some time given England just grounds to expect, that in the course of the next summer, it might not be inconvenient to her to take more serious and effectual measures, for prosecuting the war with this country. She might well suppose that our government could not but see, and be affected, by the revolution of affairs in Europe. If we are mad enough to persist in war-they will wish to make seasonable and extensive preparation If under the apprehension of having eventually to resist Great Britain alone, our government should be struck with new views of their claims, and become pacifick, the great expense which would be necessary to provide for an efficient warfare, might be spared, by now opening a door to negotiation. Even if an armistice has been proposed, of which however, we see no satisfactory evidence, it will accord with such intentions.

WHILE the extravagant rumours respecting steps actually taken towards peace, which have been widely circulated, are wormwood to many of our most active democrats, we observe that several papers of that faction, affect to hail it as good news. As partizans, how can they rejoice? My life on it, whenever, or if ever, peace takes place, it will be found that our government, after subjecting us to years of the most cruel self denial, after impoverishing us, and loading us with enormous taxes for years to come, will not have gained a single point, with Great Britain. I wish this prediction to be noted. If that prove true, in what estimation can the enlightened or even the most ignorant of the community, hold such an administration. They will have purchased to themselves deep disgrace, and at a monstrous price to the country-to millions, whose hands have been clear of this wickedness and folly.

IT is singular how clearly we understand the affairs of other nations, and how slow we are to comprehend our own. Every American readily understands that Bonaparte, on his ele

own power, at home. Frenchmen fought fought bravely, for the "liberty of the seas" too, and every day, became less free. Yet thousands and thousands of times has it been inquired among us, "What do you suppose is Mr. Madison's policy?"

THE WAR AT HOME.

THE capture of fort Niagara, by the British, is confirmed. They have destroyed the villages of Buffalo and Black Rock; and taken four gun boat schooners at Buffalo Creek.

It is stated, also, that they have landed a considerable force at Pensacola in W. Florida, of which they have taken possession, and fears are entertained of an attack upon New Orleans.

measures.

Congress are taking no further publick The news from Europe, and the recent disasters on our northern frontier, have given a shock to the friends of the administration, who now give currency to the premature expectations of peace.

THE favour, with which the return of the Editor to publick duty has been honoured, gives him a satisfaction, second to no other but the consciousness of upright intentions. It awakens his gratitude ;-it will stimulate him to assiduity in an enterprise, from which he already de ives increasing pleasure.

He feels it proper, however, and necessary, to remind the candid, that to render such a publication generally acceptable, is no very casy task. One friend urges, that Politicks are the only interesting subject; another that a paper, wholly Literary, is much wanted. One wishes the Spectator to be filled with good, solid reading-another that it may abound in fun, to relax the mind, exhausted by business. The good Parson desired his parishioners, individually, to cut his wig to their taste, and they left him as bare as Crispin's lapstone. There must be a degree of mutual condescension in readers to their respective tastes, or a Dutch folio, instead of a sheet, would be neccssary, every Saturday, to furnish the requisite bill of fare. The patronage of him, whom no portion of this paper shall gratify, is not expected.

Communications are received by the Publishers, in the box, within the door of their Bookstore, or addressed to the Editor through the Post Office.

MISCELLANEOUS AND LITERARY.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

THE CONFIDANT, Mr. I. ALL the world profess to be desirous of knowing their own faults-all lament the want of frankness in their associates, to aid in detecting and correcting them. Yet there is not one instance in a thousand, among either sex, where friends who submit to the ungracious task, do not destroy the attachment of the one, to whose importunity they have yielded. Pride takes the alarm the moment the office is executed. We may boast of our firmness-pride too stimulates us to affect a magnanimity which is not in human nature; but we turn from our monitor, if not an acknowledged superior, with an unpleasant impression. I know many will, deny this ;-I know as well that if they will appeal to their own experience, they will find the remark is just.

This principle of self love is undoubtedly implanted in our nature for wise purposes; and it cannot be subdued. Man is willing to

be considered an imperfect being; for he not only feels that it would be absurd to claim a higher rank; but in making this concession for himself, he embraces all his fellow creatures. Touch his defects in detail, and he will either think you unjust, or feel degraded. In either case, his sensibility is wounded.

Pointed censure, therefore, promises no good. In treating moral disease, we must not only gild the pill, but conceal the hand which administers it. This may be accomplished by transferring the defect or crror we would reform, to an ideal character. We thus save the pride of the original, and trust to his consciousness to make the application.

In hopes to render a service to the community, as well as to excite a pleasing interest in favour of this publication, I shall therefore devote a part of the Spectator to communications written on this plan. The " CONFIDANT" will lend an ear to every grievance-every tale of wo-every detection of foible, or denunciation of vice. He will bear the message of friendly stricture or council; but only in the guise of GENERAL INSTRUCTION. Like most other confidants, he may tell all he knows; but this promise he will sacredly observe-never to utter a sentence, which shall direct the publick eye to an individual; on the contrary, he will scrupulously suppress every communica tion which can be suspected of such a mischiev ous tendency.

This department will give scope to writers of observing mines, who study human nature. Ingenuity will readily suggest many illustrations, founded on circumstances known to be common in society. Such illustrations will benefit publick morals, afford innocent amusement, and encourage literary taste.

THE intercourse of the Gods, among heathen mythologists, is ingeniously constructed, on the relation between those various dispositions or states of the human mind, which those Gods,

figuratively, represented. From observation on human life, Mars was often placed in the society of Venus-but I do not remember

when he was ever found in the circle of the Muses. The moral of this is, that war has always been found unfavourable to the pursuits of literature, while it favours the licentiousness of passion.

Of all literary slaves, French dramatists are the most completely shackled by established regulations. Some of their restrictions are conformable to nature, and may therefore be said to have originated in their taste; but others seem to have no other origin, than a desire to render the task of the writers difficult, and to create a factitious merit, by obliging their geniuses to perform, in the stocks, what others do, at liberty.

The author of a legitimate French tragedy, in the first place, must adhere strictly to the three unities of time, place and action, as observed by the ancients. That is-every incident, constituting the plot of the piece, must have happened in the actual space of time, in which it can be represented on the stage; or at most, within twenty four hours. The scene, all in one room-one building, or within and in front of the same. Every character must be subservient to the principal object, so that distinct interests shall not be excited, in the breasts of the audience. The dignity of style must, in no instance, be violated-of course, the whole plot must be executed by personages of high rank. This totally excludes those subalterns, who give relief to rank, on the English stage; and embarrasses the author, by compelling him to effect all his pur

poses, without the aid of those means, which, in real life are usually employed.

There must be no death represented on the stage, unless by suicide.

The Tragedy must be written in poetry. Their poetry must always be rhyme; or, for the want of accent, it could not be distinguished from prose.

Their rhyme must consist of alternate male and female couplets; that is-in every second couplet, the final syllable must be softened by the letter e, thus

"Vous ne m'attendiez pas, madame; et je vois bien
Que mon abord ici trouble votre entretien.
Je ne viens point, armé d'un indigne artifice,
D'un voile d'équité couvrir mon injustice."

The rebel spirit of Voltaire murmured loud, against some of these rules; but he was obliged to submit to the yoke, borne by Corneille and Racine, or avow his genius appalled by difficulties which they surmounted. His pride prevented his attempting any considerable innovation, and thus his example served to confirm the established laws. Can we be astonished that French Tragedies are all heavy, and want the interest of the English?

WHY did D'Israeli, in his illustrations of the calamities of authors, omit so distinguished an instance as that of Lord Bacon? There is not, in the list of fame, a more celebrated writer than his lordship; yet he died so poor, as scarcely to leave property enough to pay his funeral expences. One of the last productions of his pen, was an address to King James, entreating his protection to save him from the wretchedness of penury. "Help me, dear Sovereign, Lord and Master, and pity me so far, that I, who have been born to a bag, be not now, in my age, forced in effect to bear a wallet; nor that I, who desire to live to study, may be driven to study to live."

He was struck with a chill, from which he never recovered, by making an experiment, whether meat might not be preserved in snow, as well as salt! A few glasses of the good old wine, which once flowed bountifully at his table, would probably have prolonged his useful life-but his neighbour, Lord Broke, had ordered his butler to refuse him, even a bottle of beer; and he died, neglected-solitarypoor and broken hearted.

I HAVE always considered the Abbe Delille as among the most pleasing of French poets. Either owing to the constitutional hue of his mind, or to the horrors which overwhelmed his country, and forced him to seek an asylum abroad, his style is very free from that foppery and levity, which generally characterize the recent productions of his countrymen, in his favourite department of literature. His mañner much resembles Goldsmith's, in his Deserted Village-abounding with fine sentiment, images from nature, easy versification, and tempered by an air of melancholy, just sufficient to interest the heart, without depressing the spirits. Poor Delille-his history cannot but excite sympathy. Having spent some years an exile in England, sorrowing over the tremendous sufferings of his native country, a change in the administration encouraged him to return to France. He had not long enjoyed that satisfaction, damped as it must have been, by the vestiges of a bloody revolution, when an epidemick, which raged in Paris, suddenly terminated his life.

The following is a beautiful specimen of his train of thought and poetick talents.

First, of the pleasures of rural life

"Oh! d'un simple hameau si le ciel m' eùt fait maître,
Je saurois en jouir: heureux, digne de l'être,
Je voudrois m'entourer de fleurs, de riches plants,
De beaux fruits, et sur tout de visages rians;
Et je ne voudrois pas qu'attristant ma fortune,
La faim vint m'étaler sa pâleur importune.
Mais je hais l'homme oisif; la bêche, les rateaux,
Le soc, tout l'arsenal des rustiques travaux,
Attendroient l'indigent sûr d'un juste salaire,
Et chez moi le travail bannirioit la misère."

Having thus imagined a situation to his mind, he next recommends the practice of benevolence, in relieving the private distresses of the sick and indigent.

"C'est peu; des maux cruels troublent souvent ses jours;

Aux douleurs, au vieil âge assurez des secours.
Dans les appartemens du logis le moins vaste
Qu'il en soil un, où l'art, avec ordre et sans faste,
Arrange le dépôt des remèdes divers

A ses infirmités incessament offerts.
L'oisif, de qui l'ennui vient vous rendre visite,
Louira plus volontiers, de sa voix parasite,
Vos glaces, vos tapis, votre salon doré ;
Mais pour tous les bons cœurs ce lieu sera sacré."

The next is an excellent lesson. He enjoins upon the mother sometimes to take her children, particularly her daughter, secretly to the abode of wretchedness, to see the objects, and the exercise, of her beneficence, and thus learn to imitate her example.

"Souvent à vos bienfaits joignez votre présence ;
Votre aspect consolant doublera leur puissance,
Menez-y vos enfans; qu'ils viennent sans témoin
Offirir leur don timide au timide besoin.

Que sur tout votre fille, amenant sur vos traces
La touchante pudeur, la premiere des grâces,
fasse en rougissant l'essai de la bonté,
Par qui tout s'embellit jusques à la beauté.
Ansi, comme vos traits, leurs meurs sont votre image;
Votre exemple est leur dot, leurs vertus votre ouvrage.
Cœurs durs, qui payez cher de fastueux dégoûts,
Ah, voyez ces plaisirs, et soyez en jaloux.”

POETRY.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

WHY glistens thine eye with delight? Thou art happy.-Be grateful;—but know, That the sweetest enjoyments soon blight, And the sweeter, the deeper thy wo.

I, but lately, like thee too was blest ; O how gently the hours roll'd away! For my home in endearments was dress'd, And I dream'd not they e'er could decay.

I then said "why do mortals complain That this world is vexatious or dull ? Wealth and splendour I ne'er shall obtain, But my cap of fruition is full.”

I still smil'd, as it sparkled in view; All was peace and contentment around; But before I my enemy knew, One fell blow dash'd my cup to the ground!

AFFECTION alone was the charm, Which had wedded my soul to its fate

But that bosom so tender, so warm, Has now ceas'd-O forever! to beat.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.
AULD DONALD.
CHILL, chill blew the blast, and the snow fell fast,
And Donald was weary and old ;
His plaidy was thin, and the storm crept in,
And he shiver'd and shook, for the cold.
The wretched old man seemed haggard and wan;
His bald head was bare to the blast;
Old Donald was blind, and the wintery wind
Froze the tears, down his furrows, that past.
The storm rudely toss'd that lone lock on his brow
Which time had not shredded away;

And he stood, 'inid the tempest, like misery's form,
Enshrouded in winter's array.

"Hail father,” said I, while I griev'd at the thought, That such wretches on earth should be found; When the beggar, both hands on his staff, as he leant, Turn'd his blind visage up to the sound. "Ah, father," said I, "has fortune denied Her gifts and her blessings to thee ! Whilst wealth she has lavish'd, and honours and health, And all, but contentment, on me. "Once happy, thy fortune was fairer than mine, With wealth and with honours in store : Perhaps too a partner and children were thine, Who forgot thee, or now are no more!" "Poor heart-broken outcast, and wanderer thou! Thine only companion thy staff!

Let me guide thee along ;" but I scarcely had spoke,
When he set up a broad Scottish laugh.

"Now as to your honours, and sic like," he cried,
"They are nae to my mind, in the least;
Auld Donald is happy as happy can be,
And enow is as gude as a feast.

"And as to my lads, they are a' Scotchmen true;
My girls, they baith married McNeils;
For mine ain gude wife and the wee bairn Joan,
I ha' left them at hame wi' their wheels.
"And as for your showing auld Donald the way,
He kens his paith weel 'mong the snaw;
Though he lost baith his een, at the fray o' Dundee,

And is now mair than four score and twa. "And the worst o'mine ails, since that bloody affrays 'Tis thretty lang years gane awa',

Has happ'd me just now, for did naʼ ye see,
How I lost my bob-wig i'the snaw?"

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.
SONG.

AIR, Vieni mio tesort.

HOW sweet to me retiring
This silent hour of night!
The moon's pale beam inspiring
Soft visions of delight.

Thus fancied joys I borrow,
In fairy colours drest,

To charm away my sorrow,
And soothe my soul to rest.

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED FOR

JOHN PARK,

BY MUNROE & FRANCIS,

NO. 4 CORNHILL.

Subscribers may be supplied with the preceding numbers.

DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES.

VOL. I.

POLITICAL.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR

BOSTON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 15, 1814.

Mazzei, imprudently betrayed and published in the Moniteur at Paris; the interception of Fauchett's letter by a casual British cruiser; the demand of Turreau to close the trade of

Reflections on the influence which France has St. Domingo; his declaration that the United had on the councils and opinions of the Uni-States were at actual war with the king of

ted States.

In all popular governments, there must be parties. You might as well look for perpetual sunshine in the natural world, as to expect uninterrupted calms, and disinterested patriotism in the political horizon. One party in this country have, for the last twenty years, charged their adversaries with being unduly influenced by French interests. These, instead of disproving the charge, have contented themselves with retorting it, by accusing their opponents of an undue attachment to Great Britain. This course is of itself some proof of the justice of the accusation. If I was to accuse my neighbour of having been guilty of theft, and he should reply that I was an extortioner, the world would consider it no small evidence of the justness of the charge. It is not because I hope, in the present state of parties, to make the people believe that their rulers have been influenced by motives which they ought to be ashamed to avow, that I resume a subject which may be considered trite. There are too many, I know, who would consider the charge, even if substantiated, no reproach, to permit me to hope for any immediate beneficial effects. But we owe something to those who come after us. It is our duty to explain to those who may hereafter be astonished at the unnatural policy of our rulers, upon what principles and from what causes this policy was adopted.

It is not my intention to rest upon assertion, and still less to develope, at this time, the origin and progress of that tremendous and destructive influence, which France began to establish in this country during our revolutionary

war.

It will be sufficient to trace some of the leading features of this overwhelming influence, during the two last administrations.

One might premise these remarks by saying, that it would seem to be extraordinary that France, who by the unanimous consent of all Europe has created a most destructive and corrupting influence over every country of the old world, should have neglected the use of the same means over a powerful and important nation, already prepared to her hands by intestine divisions.

Such a neglect could only be attributed to the insignificance of our country, which our pride will not permit us to admit; or to the superior degree of virtue in our citizens, which I fear history will as effectually refute.

It has pleased the sovereign Disposer of human events to harden the heart of the ruler of France, as well as to betray his ministers in this country into imprudencies, which have, from time to time, raised the veil which covered his policy, and have disclosed to us partial views of his operations, which induced us to believe, that, if the whole were fully disclosed, we should find we had not been behind the most corrupt portion of his European satellites. The detection of Mr. Jefferson's letter to

NO. III.

our differences with Great Britain. It assumes then a dictatorial style, and threatens our government with the utmost displeasure of France if we should dare to listen to the terms offered by her enemy.

This letter was addressed, not as the Intelligencer asserts, to Mr. Robert Smith as a private man, but to him as Secretary of State. It was there received, translated, and put on file, as Mr. Hanson in his place in Congress asserts.

It remained there several months, and every exertion was made by the cabinet to induce the French minister secretly to withdraw it.

Great Britain; the consequent interdiction of that trade; the refusal to acknowledge a minister from Ferdinand VII. the only legitimate ruler of Spain; the forcible seizure of West Florida; the letter of Champagny, describing us as more dependent than the colony of Jamaica, and our continuance of a minister at the court of France after such an insolent dec- He was obstinate in his refusal. Nor did he laration; the neglect to apologize for the finally consent, until we had made the deconfiscation and burning of our ships; the ap-manded expiation, by sending Mr. Jackson, probation of our embargo as an act in con- with every possible degree of insult and indigformity with the views of France; the credit nity, out of the country. given to the pretended repeal of the French decrees, and the still more disgraceful apology for the first repeal, which admitted that the first was not sincere or did not exist; all these events proved beyond the possibility of reply, that our cabinet was more under the influence of France than Holland or Switzer

land.

Yet even these did not establish the complete and absolute subservience of our country to the views of France. The act declaring war was necessary to give the finishing stroke to the picture.

Just at the moment when all Europe indignantly threw off their chains, we voluntarily placed them on our necks. While Russia, and soon after, Austria, declared that the pretence of France of vindicating the maritime rights of Europe was only intended and calculated to ruin the commerce of Continental Europe in order to aggrandize herself, our cabinet entered fully into the policy of Bonaparte, and with an infelicity, which can only be attributed to divine interference, connected the fortunes of this country with the falling interests of France.

But the document which fixes the character of the policy of our rulers-the fact which settles the degree of French influence in this country, is the famous letter of the French minister Turreau, of the 14th of June 1809, which by an almost miraculous interference is now laid before the American people.

So long as the evidence with respect to the transmission and reception of this famous letter rested on the authority of an editor of a newspaper, the publick were not authorized to attach so high a degree of importance to it, as we are now compelled to allow. The Hon. Mr. Hanson, member of Congress from the State of Maryland, has brought this subject before the House of Representatives, and on his responsibility as a man of honour, and a member of that body, he has asserted, that he could prove that this document, so insolent in its tone, so powerfully supporting the most unfavourable opinions which we had entertained of our rulers, and of the influence of France on our cabinet, was officially sent to our government, at a most critical and important moment of our history. It was written with a view to prepare our cabinet for the rejection of Mr. Jackson It commences with avowing, that it was well known that we were about to settle

The letter then being functa officio-all the objects with which it had been written having been fulfilled-the submission and meanness of our rulers having been put to the most severe test and having stood the ordeal, the proud minister of France consented to withdraw the evidence of their corruption and guilt.

We propose to make some future remarks on this letter, which has met with a cold and indifferent reception, merely because we were so accustomed to French insults.

But we would make one preparatory remark. That, admitting the defence of the National Intelligencer and of Mr. Eppes, the organ of the government, to be true, and admitting (if it were possible for a moment to admit an incorrectness in the assertions of such a noble, high minded man as Mr. Hanson,) that the letter was instantly and indignantly sent back to the French minister, what becomes of the impartiality and dignity of a government, that, while it would give a French minister an opportunity to recal his insolent language, nay, would intreat and persuade him to do it, would at the same time seize the most doubtful expressions in the despatch of a British minister, and instantly order him out of the country? We shall make some further remarks on this disparity of treatment in your next.

you

think shall have peace ?

we

Do THIS interesting question is proposed a thousand times a day. Those whom no experience can teach the character of our administration, anxiously look for a solution of their embarrassment from Washington. What takes place at Washington is not of the least consequence. The news from Europe alone can decide our fate. The renewed assurance to our government from the Prince Regent, that he is ready to negotiate, is but a repetition of what he always declared; reiterated under present circumstances of successful warfare, to prove to the world their magnanimity, and to put our government still further in the wrong, before the bloody campaign of next summer is opened, if they perversely cling to the sinking fortunes of the French tyrant.

Mr. Madison's accepting the proposal is nothing. If he even appoint Mr. King, and he should sacrifice himself by accepting the com mission-it is nothing. A treaty made and before the Senate is nothing. We must not

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