gaged to make a final decision of the controversy. He thought, however, that if the summit of the mountains should be designated by them as the boundary, New-York would submit to it "for the sake of peace."

Hamilton again adverted to this subject :—

"A few days since I was honoured with your excellency's letter of the, and was glad to find your ideas on the subject corresponded with mine. As I shall in a day or two take leave of Congress, I think it my duty to give my opinion to the legislature in a matter of importance to the state, which has been long depending, and is still without a prospect of termination, in the train in which it has been placed. I mean the affair of the grants. It is hazardous to pass a positive judgment on what will happen in a body so mutable as that of congress; but from all I have seen, I have come to a settled opinion, that no determination will be taken and executed by them in any other manner than in that prescribed by the confederation. There is always such a diversity of views and interests, so many compromises to be made between different states, that in a question of this nature, the embarrassments of which have been increased by the steps that have preceded, and in which the passions of the opposite sides have taken a warm part, decision must be the result of necessity. While congress have a discretion, they will procrastinate; when they are bound by the constitution, they must proceed.

"It is therefore my opinion that it will be advisable for the legislature, when they meet, to revive the question, and either to relinquish their pretensions to the country in dispute, or to instruct their delegates, if a decision is not had within a limited time, to declare the submission to congress revoked, and to institute a claim according to the principles of the confederation. It would be out of my province to discuss which side of the alternative ought, in

policy, to prevail; but I will take the liberty to observe, that if the last should be preferred, it would be expedient to remove every motive of opposition from private claims, not only by confirming in their full latitude, previous to the trial, the possessions of the original settlers, but even the grants of the usurped government. It may happen that it will be eventually necessary to employ force; and in this case, it would be of great importance that neither the inhabitants of the grants, nor powerful individuals in other states, should find their private interest in contradiction to that of the state. This has already had great influence in counteracting our wishes, would continue to throw impediments in the way of ulterior measures, and might at last kindle a serious flame between the states.

"I communicated to your excellency in a former letter, that I had declined pressing the application of the legislature to congress respecting the state troops for garrisoning the frontier posts, because temporary provision had been made in another way, which would save the state the immediate expense; and because there was a prospect of some general provision for the defence of the frontiers, on a continental establishment, which was to be preferred on every account. A report for this purpose is now before congress, but the thinness of the representation has for some time retarded, and still retards its consideration. The definitive treaty has not yet arrived, but from accounts which, though not official, appear to deserve credit, it may daily be expected. A gentleman known and confided in has arrived at Philadelphia, who informs that he saw a letter from Dr. Franklin to Mr. Barkely, telling him that the definitive treaties were signed the seventh of May, between all the parties; that New York was to be evacuated in six months from the ratification of the preliminaries in Europe, which will be the twelfth or fifteenth of next month.

"As it is not my intention to return to congress, I take this opportunity to make my respectful acknowledgments to the legislature, for the honourable mark of confidence conferred upon me by having chosen me to represent the state in that body. I shall be happy if my conduct has been agreeable to them."

CHAPTER XXXVI.

DURING the various progressive steps towards the establishment of a national revenue, and the adjustment of the claims of the army, Colonel Hamilton's attention had also been directed to other matters of permanent interest.

Soon after his appointment as chairman of the military committee, he took into view a branch of the service, which, from the amount of the expenditure, its connection with the comforts of the army, and its previous inefficiency, was a subject of prominent importance-the Quartermaster-general's Department.

The difficulties attendant upon a proper establishment for the military supplies, have been frequently adverted to. While a member of the committee of co-operation, General Schuyler had, after urging General Greene to continue at the head of this department, strenuously pressed the adoption of a plan framed by Hamilton, stating in a letter to congress, "that the business should be prosecuted in the most spirited manner, and upon the largest estimate." This plan was not adopted; frequent modifications of the system were made, the last on the twenty-eighth October, seventeen hundred and eighty-two. This drew from the quartermaster-general a letter, setting forth the necessity of a change.

Hamilton framed a new organization, gave to the quartermaster-general the appointment of all the officers belonging to this department, designated them, defined their compensation, specified the means of transportation to be

allotted to each rank in the army, and their respective forage and subsistence, providing checks upon the issues.

In consequence of a letter from the president of the state of Pennsylvania respecting a peace with the Indians, he framed a report in which-after reciting that by the ninth article of the confederation the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the trade and managing all the affairs with the Indians, not members of any of the states, is in the United States-it was declared that the superintendence of Indian affairs should be annexed to the department of war. That there should be an immediate suspension of hostilities with them, and that four agents, one for each of four districts, embracing the eastern, northern, southern, and western Indians, should be appointed to negotiate treaties. Lest the exercise of this power should be interpreted into a waiver of any rights, a proviso was added that the preceding measures of congress shall not be construed to affect the territorial claims of any of the states, or their legislative rights, within their respective limits.*

He also, as chairman of the committee on peace arrangements, sensible of the great importance of arranging the executive departments, drew a report in relation to the department of foreign affairs.†

It provided that the secretary of that department should be considered as the head of the diplomatic corps. To remove any doubts which may have existed as to the nature of the office, it was declared to be his duty to lay before congress such plans for conducting the political and commercial intercourse of the United States with foreign nations, as might appear to him conducive to their interest. He was to be entitled to the same salary and allowances as were provided for a minister at a foreign court, and to