Association; because, if Catholic claims were granted at all, they ought to be granted upon their own merits, and not on the demand of such a body as that association, acting in the way that that body was disposed to act. He renounced every desire-every idea of interfering with the lawful rights of the Catholics. He did not deny their right to assemble and to petition Parliament; but that right was not now the question; the question was, whether that conduct should be tolerated which was decidedly inconsistent with the spirit of the laws. It was with reference to the authority of Parliament that he said this-of government, and of the constitution. The speech from the throne said, that in the general prosperity-the increasing prosperity of the country-Ireland was taking a large share. This statement was entirely founded in fact; the effect of that fact was apparent in the cessation of those disturbances in many parts of that country, which some had attributed to political and religious animosi ties, but which he had always mainly attributed to distress.

Lord Donoughmore, at some length, vindicated the Association. The Earl of Roden, on the other hand, expressed great satisfaction at the hope held out by the royal speech, of an end being put to its proceedings; and, ultimately, the address was agreed to without

a dissentient voice.

In the House of Commons, the address was moved by Lord F. L. Leve son Gower, and seconded by Mr Alderman Thompson-a duty which, we believe, does not often devolve on the members of the city corporation; but as the topics introduced by the noble Lord and the worthy alderman were extremely similar to those employed in the Upper House, it is unnecessary to present any abstract of their speeches.

The speech of Mr Brougham was by far the longest and most vehement delivered upon this occasion. It embraced a vast variety of topics, and, among others, one of those coarse, illiberal, and vulgar attacks on the Lord Chancellor, in which that learned gentleman seems to take a passionate delight. But its main direction and aim consisted in forestalling, in some measure, the anticipated discussion respecting the Catholic Association; and it may be considered important, as giving an outline of the policy to be pursued by the Opposition during the session.

The learned gentleman, while he did not withhold his praise from the liberal acts which had marked the recent policy of Ministers, contended that the whole, or at least the greater part, of these had been suggested by those with whom he voted and acted; that he himself had, eight years previously, suggested the very specific changes in the navigation laws, and the silk trade, which had so very recently been carried into execution, and for which others were obtaining so much praise. He contended that, even in the most liberal and praiseworthy acts of their policy, ministers had not outrun the rest of mankind in the march of wisdom and liberality; but merely admitted into the cabinet a few rays of that general illumination, which, though their predecessors had carefully excluded it, had been cheering and invigorating the rest of the world for a very considerable portion of time. Even for the recognition of the American States, Ministers had been driven into it. Sir James Mackintosh had advocated that recognition, and had propounded the law in an eloquent speech delivered by him in opposition to the Foreign Enlistment Bill, which was supposed at the time to be a measure of hostility against the South American govern

ment.

When touching upon this subject, it could not fail to occur to him, that many a long year before Mexico, Colombia, Buenos Ayres, or Peru, had erer dreamed of independence, another people had embarked in a successful contest for freedom,-he meant the people of St Domingo. At the outset of the St Domingo revolution, England was hostile to the natives; she became so from the situation of her people as slave-masters. But the question of slavery, so far as St Domingo was concerned, had been long since set at rest; the natives had entirely emancipated themselves, and the island had become a thriving empire,-one which had a right to be included in the British system. It was clearly the interest of our own colonies that it should be so. We owed it as well to our colonial whites as to their unhappy slaves, and we ought to lose no time in adopting that just and salutary policy. He would now ask, was this display of liberal policy to stop here? Were we never to do justice nearer home; were we never to listen to the voice of Ireland? Was it there alone that policy was to be overlooked, and that, too, where a great population was oppressed by a continuance of matchless impolicy, and worse injustice? There was in the government, no doubt, too great a difference of opinion upon the Irish question, as there had been upon others. There had been something like the same difference on the silk bill; they could not fail to recollect, that it was brought into this house and carried by one minister, and thrown out in the Lords by another. An equal difficulty had been found in reconciling the conflicting opinions of the cabinet at an early period of the South American question. It might be said, that if the minister who carried the recognition of South American independence in the cabinet should persevere in this novel

VOL. XVI. PART I.

course he might be compelled to resign. Was this to be the reason for delay? Was this conduct to be tolerated in a British minister? And if it were, were they, then, to consent to say, "The danger is, we admit, great, but touch it not?" Let them not, in these times, be told, that there were particular scruples in a high quarter which could not bear to be touched. This language had, he knew, been used on a former occasion; but it was unjustifiable, it was unconstitutional,—it was intolerable. hardly used to a House of Commons by a minister of Charles II.; and sure he was, that if used in the better times which preceded that reign it would have brought a minister to the block. Now it was that if there is anything odious to be done-any political opponent to be run down, "Oh, then," ministersexclaimed, "it is not our fault; we wish to do what is right; we are above these petty jealousies; we do not wish, nor mean professionally, to injure a political opponent; but don't you see we are delicately placed?" Then followed the allusion to the Sovereign, as the imperative director of the act; so that these official personages cast upon the Crown the odium of any unpopular act, whilst they carefully preserved to themselves the popularity of more liberal measures. So it was once regarding Ireland; the name of his late Majesty had been used for the purpose rendering it impossible, at a former period, to proceed with the Catholic question. But this plea, bad as it was, was now removed, as must be known by any person who had marked his present Majesty's most gracious conduct in his cordial and gratifying visit to Ireland. He would add, too, that in the territory in which George IV. reigned as King of Hanover, and where he acted individually, and not, as in Great Britain, under the guidance of what were called responsible

It would have been

B

of

say,

advisers, they had not long since an opportunity of knowing the King's real sentiments, in the decree which he graciously promulgated at the opening of the States, and of which he had procured a copy. His Hanoverian Majesty was most graciously pleased to "that the general professors of the Christian faith are to enjoy a perfect equality of civil and political rights in the kingdom of Hanover, and, in conformity to the 14th article of the constitution, the pre-eminence of a predominant church is abandoned." This declaration became à sovereign who felt that a truly tolerant man never used the word. The King's decree went on further to promulgate, "that all Christian communities had a right to the unobstructed and peaceable exercise of their religious worship." Ought not that House boldly to come forward, and, consistently with the royal act, do for Ireland what had been done for Hanover? (hear, hear!) He was now putting aside the business of the Catholic Association, although the acts attributed to that body were the genuine fruit of the policy pursued towards Ireland. He had predicted such a consequence. The Catholics first came to Parliament with a respectful request, and were met by refusal and contumely; the natural result was, an insolent and unreasonable demand. Why not then revoke this policy? Why not redress grievances in Ireland, and apply conciliation instead of coercion? Did they think the great seal would be in danger if they pressed this question? Did they think the venerable and learned person who held it would quit his possession on that account? Great God! the very notion of such abandonment of office was the most chimerical of all the chimeras that ever distempered the brain of a poet, (loud laughter). Surprised indeed should he be, to find any quittance of office in that quarter

before all sublunary things were at an end. They greatly undervalued the steadiness of mind and purpose of their venerable colleague. There was nothing to equal the patient assiduity with which he bore the toils of his high station-the fortitude with which he endured to be thwarted. Upon all questions of foreign and domestic trade he had at length consented to yield,—ay, and so would he upon this Catholic question if it were equally pressed upon his reluctant attention. To remove this great personage would be a real miracle; the seals were his estate,his freehold ; he had secured the term, and his last breath would be poured forth in the public service. The only question in law upon the matter was, who was to appoint his successor? He was not to be restricted to a mere lifeinterest; the office must in him be devisable, and for the uses of his will. Indeed, there were indications which in a measure pointed to the successor, although that successor would find himself disappointed, if he hoped to get office during the natural life of the present holder, (renewed laughter). Let the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr Canning) only make the experiment with his noble colleague, and the nation would not, he might depend upon it, be deprived for one hour of the inestimable benefit of his colleague's public services, (hear, hear!) Unhappily the right hon. gentleman made no such effort, and therefore the Catholics were put off. From year to year,-from one crisis to another,―in time of war, or in time of peace, Catholics were to be turned aside, and for them alone the hour of redress was never to approach. (hear, hear!) Penal enactments were the answer to their petitions; and now again they were called upon to put down not the Association, but "Associations." This was one of the slyest insertions that ever crept into a form of speech. The

the

ciliation and redress, while as to the policy hitherto pursued, and, for aught he knew, yet to be continued, he was determined to relieve his own mind from the guilty responsibility of acquiescence, (loud cheers.)

Mr W. Lamb said, he could admit that the subscriptions to the Catholic Association might be legal; but if he found that the Roman Catholic priesthood were engaged in collecting them, and were to be consulted as to their employment, he should deem that a circumstance symptomatic of the deepest alarm. He was notwithstanding a friend to Catholic Emancipation, and should support such a measure, if proposed.

To

Mr Canning next addressed the House in a speech equally brilliant with wit, and pregnant with reasoning. He observed, that the worst enemy of the Catholic religion could not have hit upon means more certain,he could not have imagined a plan so successfully mischievous,-as the institution of the Catholic Association. The learned gentleman's mode of handling this subject was most singular. prove that the existence of the Catholic Association was at least harmless, he ought to have shown that they were a few zealous individuals, who did not profess to represent the people of Ireland,-who had no design of assuming the character of a government. But the learned gentleman exaggerated even their own most gross and exaggerated account. "You are indebted," said he, " to the Catholic Association for the peace and tranquillity of Ireland." He entirely overlooked the administration of the last three years. He left out of view the eminent services of the Marquis Wellesley, in retrieving, by the equal justice of his government, the authority due to the laws. He forgot, that the sunshine of government was shared equally by Catholic and Protestant,

But that body, it seems, was the cause of that peace which the government had been unable to achieve! By what charm had they brought about this object? Whence did they obtain their magical elements of concord? From the pit of Acheron! Their combination was cemented by an adjuration of horror,-"Be peaceable," they said, "by the hatred which you bear the Orangemen !" This was the charm by which they extracted peace out of hatred. Good God! was it for reasoning men to put such a bond of union into writing, and, when called upon to explain themselves, deliberately to affirm the deed? Could this be Catholicism? He trusted not; for if it were, he had been in a fatal error in advocating the Catholic cause. (cheers.) Let no one consider him, therefore, as opposing the Catholic claims. He wished to separate the Catholic Association and the Catholic question; the learned gentleman wished to confound them. The learned gentleman had asked him, "Why do not you, who have carried a particular question against the views of an opposing minister, insist on carrying the Catholic question?" He objected to both premises and conclusion. Supposing the premises true, did the learned gentleman see no difference between the South American and the Catholic question? "What had a minister to fear," asked the learned gentleman, "with this House, these benches, all England at his back?" He would answer with another question, "What would a minister do with only these benches, and with no England at his back?" (cheers, and laughter.) In the notion that a certain member of the cabinet, who was opposed to him on the Catholic question, was also opposed to him on that of South America, the learned gentleman was entirely mistaken. He assured him that the line which divided the cabinet was not