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the Empress Mother, in which he freely and fully ratified his former renunciation of his right of succession, declaring it to be his unalterable resolution to adhere to that renunciation, and only requesting that he might be permitted to retain the title of Czarowitsch, with which his illustrious deceased brother had been pleased to honour his services.

These dispatches involved the Archduke Nicholas in no little perplexity, since they had been written and forwarded by Constantine, in ignorance of his having actually been proclaimed Emperor; and to avail himself of Constantine's renunciation under the circumstances, might appear to the people as taking advantage of a sudden and rash impulse of generosity upon the part of his elder brother. Nicholas, therefore, resolved to wait from day to day, to allow time to Constantine to recall his resolution; but Constantine continued inflexible; and a letter, by him, dated the 20th, was received, so full of affectionate attachment to his brother, whom he addressed as his sovereign, and so de cisive in its tone, as to leave no doubt of the sincerity and unchangeableness of his purpose, as conveyed in his former letter.

Thus terminated this most remarkable contest; and on the 25th, Nicholas, his right being now undoubted, ascended the imperial throne, and was duly proclaimed. The same day, he issued a manifesto, in which he recapitulated at length the different documents on which his right was founded, taking care specially to notice the whole letters by Constantine, renouncing his right of succession; and, in conclusion, expressed his resolution, in all his public measures, to pursue the policy of the deceased Emperor.

These events revived the hopes of the conspirators who were in Peters

burgh. They reasoned among themselves, that it would be an easy matter to persuade the soldiers that it would be a solemn infraction of the oath which they had just taken to Constantine, to swear allegiance to Nicholas; and they resolved to assemble in front of the hall of the Senate, with all the soldiers whom they could gain over, and, occupying that position, to control the measures of government. It was believed by them that Nicholas, rather than have recourse to force, would renounce his rights, and enter into a negotiation with them; in which event they were prepared to demand, that national deputies should be convoked from the different provinces; and that, for the conducting of affairs in the interval, a provisional government should be established. In the meantime, they were to endeavour to instil doubts into the minds of the troops with regard to the reality of Constantine's renunciation, and to spread a report that he was advancing with the First and the Polish army, to extirpate those who should take the oath to Nicholas.

The day for executing their plot was the 26th, on which day the troops were to have the oath of fidelity tendered to them. The conspirators were on the ground; but their chief, Prince Trubetzkoi, betrayed irresolution and fear, and infected the others with his feelings. The far greater part of the regiments took the oath without difficulty, though there were a few recusants, who were instantly put under arrest. Two battalions, however, proved refractory. One of these was the Moscow regiment; and Prince Ramstoffky, one of its chief officers, surrounded by others, harangued several of the companies, adjuring them to be faithful to the oath which they had taken to Constantine. "The Emperor Con

stantine," he said, "loves our regiment, and will reward it." The soldiers proceeded to load their muskets. At this juncture, an aide-decamp of the Archduke Michael rode up, and demanded whether they acknowledged his Imperial Highness for their commander? to which Ramstoffky replied, that he did not recognise his authority; and having thrown his sabre at the head of Major-General Friedricks, he marched off his rebellious_troops, shouting, "Long live the Emperor Constantine!" towards the Senate-house. The spirit of revolt had communicated itself to the marine battalion, and the battalion of grenadiers, who also repaired to the Senate-house, where the mutineers amounted to about 1800, and were applauded by many among an immense number of civilians who had thronged to the place to watch events.

The insurrection had become truly formidable, when the Emperor Nicholas, with great resolution, put himself at the head of a battalion of the regiment Preobajensky, and, amid the acclamations of his people, advanced in the direction of the mutineers, determined not to employ force, if persuasion would recall them to their duty. The military governor of Petersburgh, Count Milaradowitch, who had made himself so famous in the campaign of 1812, presented himself to the mutineers, in order to address them, when he received a mortal shot fired from a pistol. The Emperor in vain implored them to yield obedience; in vain he appealed to their loyalty and patriotism, and promised pardon to all but the most guilty. They remained obstinate. His Majesty was speedily joined by a number of other regiments, who supplicated him to allow them to execute summary justice upon the rebels. He was also joined by the Archduke

Michael, who, having just arrived in the capital, had forced six of the companies of the Moscow regiment, which remained in their barracks, to take the oath, and advanced with them against their companions.

The clemency of the Emperor was not yet exhausted; but night was approaching, and there was a necessity for instantly crushing the rebellion. The artillery opened a destructive fire upon the rebels, and in an instant the place was cleared of them. The cavalry charged the feeble remains who fled, and pursued them in all directions. Patrols were dispatched to scour the streets; and in a few hours, upwards of 500 of the rebels were in custody. Those of them who bore commissions were conducted to the fortress. The Emperor returned to his palace, where, in his presence and that of his whole Court, Te Deum, was performed in celebration of the return of tranquillity.

About midnight, Prince Trubetzkoi, who had sought an asylum in the hotel of his friend the Austrian ambassador, was delivered up, on the requisition of Count Nesselrode; and having been brought into the presence of the Emperor, fell upon his knees, and revealed the whole details of the conspiracy.

Next day, the Emperor appointed a commission of inquiry, for the purpose of more clearly unravelling the conspiracy, and reporting upon the different degrees of guilt of those who were implicated in it. But this did not restrain him from exercising, in the meantime, the noblest prerogative of a monarch, by pardoning and setting at liberty many whose youth, or the arts which had been practised upon them, extenuated the guilt of their conduct.

The same day, the Emperor reviewed the troops who had engaged in the insurrection, and had since

testified their repentance. "You have lost your honour," he said, "but I pardon you; try to recover it." The soldiers replied by loud huzzas. He also rewarded the troops who had remained faithful to him, by conferring upon them honourable distinction.

His Majesty lost no time in announcing his accession to all the foreign ambassadors, and conveying to them his assurances, that he would faithfully adhere to the policy of his predecessor. He also took the constitutional oath as King of Poland; and, in a proclamation addressed to his Polish subjects, he declared his resolution not to attempt any change in the institutions which Alexander had conferred upon them. He, by an ordinance, was pleased to continue Prince Joseph Zayazeck in the dignity of Lieutenant-General of Poland; and also the whole officers intrusted with the civil administration of that kingdom, in possession of their functions. At Warsaw, Te Deum was performed in honour of Nicholas' accession, and Constantine received in person the oath of fidelity to the new Emperor by the Russian guards; after which, he dispatched a letter of congratulation to his Majesty,abounding in professions of unalterable devotion to his service.

As a consequence of the discoveries made by government, numerous arrests took place, particularly in the southern parts of the empire, of persons of distinction, who were

or had been connected with the late secret societies. Among these were two brothers Mouravieffs, whom a company of officers, belonging to the society "Re-united Slaves," of which the Mouravieffs were members, rescued from confinement in the neighbourhood of Kieff, and who now endeavoured to seduce the regiment Tscherzigoff into rebellion. Their arts succeeded with six companies of that regiment, with which they overran the country, and which were joined by a troop, composed of members of the "Re-united Slaves" society. A detachment, under Lieutenant-General Rott, was dispatched against these fanatics, and came up with them on 13th January. Apostal Mouravieff, who commanded them, formed them into a square, and caused them to advance as friends towards the imperial troops, in the hope that they also might be disposed to join his standard. They were received with a fire of musketry, which broke their square; and a charge of cavalry completed their disorder; on which the rebels laid down their arms. Their commander was wounded by a musket-shot and the stroke of a sabre, and he and most of his officers and 700 privates were taken prisoners. Thus ended the only demonstration made in the provinces by a conspiracy which, most insane in its projects, was, in its composition, truly formidable to the peace of the empire, and the safety of the reigning dynasty.

CHAPTER XIV.

TURKEY AND GREECE.

DURING the year, M. Mintziacky, the Russian charge d'affaires at Constantinople, continued to receive from the Porte almost daily promises that the provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia would be evacuated by the Turkish troops; but the measure, notwithstanding, remained unexecuted.

The high powers of Europe having at length taken an interest in the affairs of Greece, concurred in remonstrating with the Porte against the continuance of a war, which had as sumed the character of one of extermination. The most distinguished of these powers for their zeal in behalf of Greece were Great Britain and Russia; but all their arguments were replied to by the Porte by complaints as to the assistance which had been af forded to the insurgents by their respective subjects.

The Porte was still farther perplexed by some rebellious movements on the part of the Janissaries. The police having arrested several individuals of that body, suspected of plotting against the life of the Sultan, their officers stirred them up to mutiny; upon which their Aga and the Grand Vizier repaired to their barracks; and such was the influence of their authority, that they succeeded

VOL. XVIII. PART I.

in arresting the principal insurgents, fifty of whom they caused to be strangled on the spot: the others were embarked in boats, and drowned in the Dardanelles.

The Sultan, in the meantime, amid all his embarrassments, displayed extraordinary activity in preparing for a new campaign. He issued the strictest orders for levying the new imposts throughout the provinces; and to supply the poverty of the public exchequer, he advanced from his own private treasury 19,000 purses.

The outline of the plan of the new campaign was, that the insurgent provinces should be invaded by no fewer than four armies. The first of these was to be assembled on the Asiatic coast, embarked in European transports, and escorted by the Turkish fleet; the second, to be composed of troops disciplined after the European manner, was destined specially for the Morea, and placed under the absolute command of Ibrahim Pacha, son of the Pacha of Egypt; the third, to consist of troops scattered over Thes saly, Bulgaria, Romelia, and Macedonia, but since organized at Larissa by Redschid Pacha, who had been named Pacha of Janina, besides being invested with the title of Seraskier;

the fourth was one of Albanians, commanded by the Pacha of Scutari, which was to co-operate with the third army. About the end of October a number of important changes took place in the Turkish administration. The Home Secretary, Sadek-Effendi, who had powerfully influenced the national politics, was superseded by Ahmed Chelussi Effendi; and the Mufti, Mekessade Assem Bey, was deposed, to make room for Hadisad Teher Effendi, (grand judge,) a person of Armenian birth. These changes were regarded as the triumph of the moderate party in the Divan; and that it was so, seemed to be proved by a remarkable proceeding which immediately ensued. Two commissioners were appointed to proceed to the Morea, to offer terms of pacification to the Greeks; and the rank of these commissioners, the one being Husim Bey, who had lately been nominated Tschausch-bashi, or marshal of the empire, and the other Netschib Effendi, agent of the Egyptian Pacha, was an earnest of the importance which was attached to their mission. The proceedings under this mission have never been revealed to the public; but that it ended abortively is certain.

For the Greeks, the campaign of this year commenced under highly favourable auspices. The overthrow of Colocotroni's party had given a force and consistency to the Government, which inspired the people with confidence, and enabled it to introduce order into the civil administration, and discipline into the army. It proceeded to levy both men and money, and to put a stop to those piracies committed by Greek vessels, which had excited the just indignation of foreign powers. The chiefs of the rebellion, who had been shut up in a monastery in the island of Hydra, were brought to the seat of government to undergo the judgment of a commission, appointed

to inquire into their conduct; and suspecting Odyseus, who ruled in Livadia and Attica, of a design to revolt, the Executive called upon him to render an account of his exactions. While Eastern Greece was exulting in the brave defence made by the garrison of Missolonghi, the government did not relax its cares for the farther defence of that important place. Mavrocordato, who had conducted the affairs of Nauplia, under Conduriotis, was recalled; and, by his influence, a special council, under the presidency of General Zongos, was instituted at Missolonghi, and intrusted with its defence. With the money which had been received from the last loan, an army, consisting partly of some thousands of Romeliots and Albanians, was organized and equipped; one part of which was to be dispatched to Hydra, and the other was destined for the siege of Patras, and placed under the command of the President of the Executive.

But all the brilliant prospects of this suffering people were doomed soon to be clouded; owing partly to their characteristic fickleness, and partly to the want of energy, if not the corruption of their rulers, among whom the money remitted from England had introduced jealousies and discords with regard to its distribution. The military arrangements, which had been formed with so much judgment, were left unexecuted; and even the news of the near approach of Ibrahim Pacha, and of his formidable armament, were received by the government with the most stupid apathy.

The expeditions fitted out by the Egyptian Pacha were three in all, upon a more gigantic scale than those of the previous year, and calculated, it might not unreasonably have been thought, to overrun Greece, and crush all opposition. No fewer than from 25,000 to 26,000 troops, disciplined

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