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First edition of the Pentateuch in Hebrew, Bologna, 1482. The page represents the end of Leviticus and the beginning of Numbers; parallel to the Hebrew text there is the Targum, the old Aramaic translation ascribed to Onkelos, printed without vowels in Rabbinical characters, while the top and bottom of the pages contain the commentary of R. Solomon ben Isaac of Troves. commonly called Rashi

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First edition of the Psalms in Hebrew, Bologna, 1477. The first part of the Bible printed in the original Hebrew. The text has no vowels and accents; each verse is followed by the commentary of R. David Kimhi, in which an Italian censor has crossed out some words

Jacob Tawos (honored with a place in Walton's Polyglott, Vol. IV) appeared at Byzantium, 1546. The next year, along with the New-Greek, appeared the Spanish version, also in Hebrew letters. In 1553 appeared a noted Spanish translation, the Ferrara Bible, Rabbi Arragel's version (1422) revised, in two editions, one for Christians, one for Jews, made at Catholic command, with Franciscan help. One unprinted partial Jewish-German version dates from 1421, another, printed, of the Pentateuch, by the Christian Jew, Michael Adam, appeared at Constance 1543, and Elijah Levita translated the Psalms (Venice 1545). At Amsterdam in 1649 appeared the Jewess's Bible, Teutsch-Homesch (German-Pentateuch), and 30 years later two other such JewGerman versions, complete. After the great racial calamity of expulsion from Spain (1492), where Jewish learning had flowered in splendor, Bible-study stagnated for centuries among the Jews, who, with few exceptions, sank themselves in the Talmud. The Renaissance of the Jews was marked by a return to Scripture, especially by Moses Mendelssohn's epochal translation of the Pentateuch into German (1783). Still better Hebraists (called Bi'urists, interpreters), as David Friedländer (1750-1834), translated and annotated Prophets and Writings, in sober rationalistic spirit, with no great critical keenness or historic sense. But the whole movement was revolutionary enough to arouse the resolute opposition of Conservatism, and there followed the German translation of Zunz (mainly the work of his friends), 183738. A. Geiger did not translate, but in his "Urschrift und Übersetzungen) (1851) he profoundly interpreted text-history and the elder versions as mirroring the religious evolution of his people. In Italy the movement issued in I. S. Reggio's Italian Pentateuch translation with Hebrew commentary (Vienna 1821), and later in founding a rabbinic school in Padua, headed by the chief modern Jewish biblicist, Samuel David Luzzatto (1800-65), who raised biblical criticism to a profession among his people. Though strongly conservative, his Italian translations of Isaiah, Job (1855, 1853) and the Pentateuch (posthumous, 1871–76) show deep and exact philology along with a scientific conscience. So much can hardly be said of S. R. Hirsch's German version of the Pentateuch or of others, learned and acute, but straitened in spirit. Not less erudite but far more daring is the eight-volumed work of A. B. Ehrlich (1905, 1908-14).

As the walls fell away and the Jews emerged into 19th century life, translations multiplied rapidly. Leading the van is the French (18311851) of S. Cahen; also the people's version (1899-1906) by the French Rabbinate (headed by Z. Kahn), based largely on Wogue's version (1861-69). Less significant was a succession of versions in German, Dutch, Russian, Hungarian. As early as 1789 Delgado corrected the English Authorized, and in 1839 Selig Newmann emended it, as did Michael Friedländer (1884). Kalisch commented on the Law, and Benisch published a complete English version (1851-56). In America Isaac Leeser, footing

on

the Authorized, with help of German versions, issued a translation (Philadelphia 1853) generally used in the synagogue, English and

American. But very recently the great design, conceived 1892, of the Jewish Publication Society (organized 1888) has at last been accomplished (1917) mainly through the unwearied zeal of M. Margolis, sustained by the munificence of the Jewish Mæcenas, Jacob H. Schiff being nothing less than a thorough revision, suited for the synagogue, of the Revised Version of 1885, wherewith has been spoken the latest and best word of Jewish scholarship in the translation of the Old Testament.

Christian Translations.- Inasmuch as the two Testaments have held equal rank in the Christian consciousness for 17 centuries, it would serve no useful purpose to separate them in this discussion; accordingly we shall treat them together, except where distinction is expressly made. As we have seen, the sole object of Jewish translations, the all-important Septuagint only partially excepted, was to bring the Holy Writ to the understanding, not of the Gentile but of the Jew himself, to whom the Gentilic tongue was vernacular. Likewise, the aim of early Christian translations was to bring the pure "Hebrew truth" home to the mind and heart of the Christian. As the new religion, the "Eternal Gospel," "Fear God and give Him glory» (Rev. xiv, 7), was from the start a crusade against idolatry, a zealous propaganda of monotheism, from the first the audience was mainly pagan, composed mostly of "God-fearing Gentiles" and proselytes to Judaism. Of these, in great part, the faith was built on some Greek version of the Scripture, particularly the Septuagint, and it was in Greek that the first public preaching was spoken and the first records thereof committed to writing, though some very early Christian compositions may well have been Aramaic. For nearly two centuries the Christian seems to have rested content with the Septuagint, subject to slight alterations, but when the Jew disclaimed it as incorrect or inadequate, substituting the literalism of Aquila, the logical loss was keenly felt, and a reply seems made in the loose rendering of Symmachus. This also was soon found insufficient, and in the first great critical essay, the Hexapla, Origen sought to mass all the evidence in point and to show the way clear to the sacred goal of aboriginal "Hebrew Truth." As this came more and more to be regarded as altogether unique and indispensable, the one and only record of primitive history, the single depository of divine will, purpose and power, to the more enlightened the need seemed imperative of ascertaining it, if possible, with absolute exactness and completeness. Origen, the most competent explorer, failed, however, to find it, and the search seemed little hopeful. Nevertheless, sufficient appeared to be known.

But the Greek was not the only early Gentile-Christian consciousness. The noble Syriac language, a variety of the Aramaic, was widely spoken, and various attempts were made at a Christian Targum in this tongue, even now not numbered among the silent. Of these the most successful was the so-called Peshitta ("simple," "common"), at once faithful and elegant, tinged with traditions of the Jews (whose help made it possible), but often under the spell of the Seventy. Far away, in north Africa and other western provinces of the empire, at an_early date Latin had begun to displace Greek,

and the pressing need of a version in that tongue was met in various ways: there is no Old Latin version, but many Old Latin versions, varying indefinitely with the knowledge and skill of the translator and the text of the Greek copy at his hand. It was Lachmann that first restored these modest versions to their critical rights, but their decisive importance (for the New Testament text) is only now coming to full recognition. All were strictly popular, rustic in their Latinity already departing from the classic norm at Rome toward the varied Romanic speech of to-day. Gradually even the speech of the Capital fell away from the Greek, and the need was felt of an authoritative Latin Version. By far the prince of Christian scholars was Jerome; to him Pope Damasus (346-420) committed the task of revision. He began at Rome by setting a gentle hand to the Psalms (383), and Saint Peter's still resounds with his Roman Psalter, introduced at once by Damasus. In 392, as Hermit of Bethlehem, he re-revised by the Hexapla, and this Psalter, first introduced in Gaul and hence called Gallican, still holds its place (against his third version, the Hebraic) in the Vulgate. On this latter he toiled at intervals for 15 years, learning Hebrew in Palestine under Jewish teachers and guides. Slowly at first, but steadily, his translation (complete but for certain Apocrypha, which he too lightly esteemed) won its way to universal recognition over all others, the greatest single work of Catholic scholarship, and in the fourth Tridentine session (8 April 1546) it was stamped with the signet of exclusive authority. Jerome aimed to be faithful to the sense, but classic in style. Slight as is the critical value of this Vulgate, its influence upon the religious life of western Europe is beyond estimation. An authorized Catholic translation is the Rheims and Douay Version, made by English refugees and called the Douai Bible (1609). Intended as a corrective of the multiplying Protestant versions, it conforms too closely to the "authentical Latin" to be idiomatic English, and as a tertiary product has no critical worth; nevertheless, it is happy in some turns of expression and seems to have molded the Authorized Version at certain points. There are many such translations of translations, in Arabic, Armenian, Coptic, English, Ethiopic, Georgian, Gothic, Persian and other tongues, ranging over a thousand years. Conspicuous is the Gothic preserved in fragments on the silver-lettered purple Codex Argenteus (ca. 500?) in the Upsala University; Philostorgius (b. 364), as quoted by Photius (c. 820-91), ascribes the Gothic translation of the whole Bible (except Kings, omitted as too warlike) to Wulfilas, Apostle of the Goths, which is stoutly gainsaid by L. Wiener in his revolutionary Commentary to the Germanic Laws and Mediæval Documents,' which with his 'Contributions toward a History of Arabico-Gothic Culture) (I, 1917) would overturn the structure of Germanic philology.

Through all the watches of the mediæval night Jerome reigned in the West, the Seventy in the East. As new tongues budded forth on the Latin stem, rude paraphrases appeared, often as interlinear glosses, especially in the Psalms, the book of devotion, and these were gradually improved but remained quite devoid of author

ity, jealously reserved by the Church for the Vulgate. During the uneasy slumber of the 13th century, premonitions of awakening were faintly heard in widely scattered and far more earnest attempts to get nearer the divine truth in vernacular versions, as the partial Waldensian in Provençal and the first complete French translation (c. 1250). Similar stirrings were felt in Italy in the 14th century, but the first complete English Bible goes back only to John Wyclif and his friends (1382), in which his own share is problematic. A "curialist" till 1374, in the last 10 years of his life he won the fame of a reformer (politico-religious) and the father of English prose, the latter rather by his 'Sermons, for his English version is poor and slavish to the "Latyn." Germany meanwhile was prolific of translations, and John Hus, following Wyclif along so many lines, among the many improprieties for which he suffered at the stake (Constance, 6 July 1415), produced a vernacular version for his Bohemians. Movable type (1448), by lessening cost, gave wings to the Word. The Vulgate was the first to leave the press (1452-56), then over a dozen German editions, then the Complutensis (1517-20), then the Aldine (Venice 1519). Morning was now on the mountains, and edition after edition appeared in Hebrew, 21 before Luther's rupture with Rome (10 Dec. 1520), among these the first great Rabbinic Bible (Venice 1516), dedicated to Leo X by the Christian Jew, Felix Pratensis. Catholics now felt the need of a new version, and many not without merit were made. These, being Latin, were still voiceless to the people, who cried for the Word in their own tongue. Luther in his German translation (from the Hebrew, in the Brescia edition of 1494) gave the first great national answer. Himself hardly equal to the task, he leaned heavily on Nicholas de Lyra; but he labored long and conscientiously and well, translating not for scholars but for the man-in-the-street, occasionally in a controversial spirit, and finally (1530-34) erecting an enduring monument of German literature and determining in large measure the set of German speech, as well as the form of various following translations into other Teuton tongues.*

According to Conybeare, unsurpassed in beauty and because of its fidelity almost as valuable as an original text is the Armenian version of the Old Testament made by Mesrop, Sahak, Eznik, and others, with various manuscriptural helps, from the Greek (though Moses of Chorene says Sahak used the Syriac), between 397 and 430, and revised later. Perhaps a century older and hence valuable according to Tertullian's "id verius quod prius," is the Armenian version of the New Testament made from the Peshitta (as was also the related Georgian), but revised from the Greek about 400. The Georgian Bible (from the Greek) is ascribed to Mesrop, inventor of the Georgian alphabet. The Armenian Bible, first printed from one manuscript with text adapted to the Vulgate (Amsterdam 1666, Venice 1733), was first critically edited by Zohrab (Venice 1805). Of minor importance are many versions derived from the Armenian (noted in Scrivener's 'Introduction' and Gregory's 'Prolegomena'), and such as the Philoxenian (lost except 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, Jude and Revelation), of 508, a Syrian paraphrase revised (616) into slavish fidelity by Thomas of Heraklea (hence in this form called Harklean"), and the "Palestinian," a lectionary of the 6th century, formerly referred to Jerusalem, but now, following Burkitt, to Antioch.

France owes her earliest version (1160) to the Waldensian chief, Pierre de Vaud, the next to Guyard des Moulins (1294, published Paris 1488). At Lyons, 1477, appeared the first Testament in French print, followed in 1487 by the stately Bible dedicated to Charles VIII and by others similar.

The Swiss "Zürich Bible" (1529-30), revised frequently and as late as 1895, was only in later parts independent of Luther's version.

More for the people were the Testaments of D'Etaples (New, 1523; Old, 1528; both, 1530). Made from the Vulgate, slightly revised (at Louvain) in 1550, and again in 1608, 1621, 1647, though proscribed in 1546, this became the popular version in Catholic France. More modernized were Lemaistre's huge Port-Royal Bible (1667-87) and R. Simon's New Testament (1702). Lassere's Gospels (1887), accounted excellent, failed of ecclesiastic approval. The received Protestant version (by Calvin's cousin, P. R. Olivetan, published in 1535 by Waldenses and improved later), was revised in 1588 by Genevan pastors and used by Astruc (1753); modernized (1724, 1744) by J. F. Ostervald, it was again revised, the Old Testament in 1805, the New Testament in 1835. Still later and better, the revisions by Oltramare (1872), Segond (1874, 1880), the French Bible Society (1881), and many others, especially Rabbi Cahen's (Hebrew-French) edition of 1830, and Crampon's, revised by the Jesuits (1907).

Following a Dutch version of perhaps 1300, parts of the Scriptures were printed at Delft in 1477, and the next year saw the first complete ("Cologne") Bible in Low German. Luther's New Testament was revised and published in Dutch (Basel and Amsterdam, 1522), and Erasmus' Greek text was turned into "goode platte Duytsche" (Delft 1524), and the whole Bible at Antwerp, 1526. Catholics followed with the New Testament in 1527 and the Old Testament in 1548. As the land of the free, Holland was most prolific of translations. The Dutch official version of 1632 appeared

as

"Staaten-Bibel" in 1636. Supreme in scholarship is the "Synod Bible" a revision at request by Kuenen's school (New Testament 1866, Old Testament 1897-1902).

Though parts of the Scriptures were turned into Scandinavian as early as the 12th century, the New Testament appeared in Danish first in 1524, under Christian II, and in 1529 Petersen's New Testament and Psalms, bettered in 1531, appeared at Antwerp and met with more favor. Luther's German Bible passed over into Danish in 1550, was revised in 1605-07, again in 1819 and 1872, and for Norway (separated from Denmark, 1814) in 1830, 1857-69, 1890, 1904 (New Testament), besides a new popular version (New Testament) in 1889 and 1899. Luther's New Testament went into Swedish at the hands of Andrae and Petri (Stockholm, 1526) parts of the Old Testament 10 years later, the whole Bible in 1540-41, followed by various revisions. A new revision by Sundberg, Toren, and Johanson received official Lutheran sanction in 1883. Many individual translations of one or both Testaments have met with favor, those of F. O. Myrberg being accounted first in scholarship and literary quality. The Icelandic New Testament (1540) and Bible (1584) were revised in 1644 and often since.

Passing by the essays of the brothers Methodius and Cyril (855-70, whence the Cyrillic alphabet), we find a Slavic version for Russians 600 years later, first printed at Ostrog (1581) at instance of Prince Constantine, revised at Moscow 1663, again, more carefully, at command of Elizabeth 1753, modernized at bidding of the Holy Synod but published only partially (1818-25) under opposition, till completed under Alexander II, 1876. Other Slavs received their first versions: Czechs, 1488, though there is said to be in Vienna a 3-vol. translation of the Old Testament made in 1378 by order of Emperor-King Winceslav; Croatians, 1495; Poles, 15th century; Wends, 1547; Slovenes, 1555; Bulgars, 1828; Serbs, 1847. The Magyar New Testament was printed first in 1541, the Old Testament in 1590; a revision is now in hand. The Finnish New Testament appeared in 1548, the Bible in 1642 and a new translation in 1859; the LithuanianLettish New Testament and Psalms appeared in 1662; the Lapp Bible dates from 1838-40.

The oldest Italian version (1270) is the Waldensian of Jacques de Voragine; Nicolò de Malherbi was first to print a Bible in Italian (Venice, 1471); Buccioli's better version from the original tongues (Venice 1530-32) was proscribed. Still other versions appeared at Venice, Zaccaria's 1532, Giglio's 1551. A Protestant New Testament in Italian, appeared the same year at Lyons, and the whole Bible at Geneva in 1562 and in 1607 (translated by Giov. Diodati, a famous work). The Turin version by Archbishop Martini (1776) pleased the Church, was adopted by the British and Foreign Bible Society, and issued in Roman Catholic revision, 1889.

Though a Catalonian version of the New Testament was made in the 14th century, when Jewish-Spanish versions (Old Testament) were common in Častile, and a Bible was printed at Valencia in 1478, the first printed Spanish New Testament saw the light at Antwerp in 1543, the next at Geneva in 1546, the first Old Testament at Ferrara in 1553, the first whole Bible in Spanish (Reyna's) at Basel in 1569 (revised at Amsterdam, 1602)-books proscribed in Spain. At length, in 1790, the Roman Catholic Miguel published at Valencia the popular Spanish Bible adopted in 1828 by the British and Foreign Bible Society. Similarly, in 1681, J. R. d'Almeida dared to publish in Portuguese the New Testament and in 1712-19 the Mosaic and Historical Books of the Old Testament - at Amsterdam. At last, in 1778, A. P. Figueiredo printed the Bible for the first time in Portugal (Lisbon), a version since adopted by the British and Foreign Bible Society.

The Irish New Testament dates from 1595, the Old Testament from 1685: most recent is O'Kane's New Testa

ment (1858). In Gælic, the New Testament was issued in 1690, the Bible in 1783–1801, and revised in 1826, 1860, 1880. In Cymric, the New Testament appeared in 1567, the Bible in 1568. The Manx version dates from 1770-72. A Breton New Testament appeared in 1827, another in 1847, and the Bible in 1860.

Immediately upon the appearance of Luther's work the centre of interest in translations was shifted to the English, though not to England, for Willyam Tyndale finding "no place in all Englonde" to ply his task, such was the conservatism of the island, retired to Germany, where under Luther's shadow he printed the New Testament in English (3,000 copies, oct., at Worms 1525), though stopped at Cologne by Johann Cochlæus. In 1530 appeared his Pentateuch, in 1531 his Jonah. In his Belgian prison he begged for a Hebrew Bible, grammar and lexicon, along with warmer clothing, and held out true to the end (6 Oct. 1536), when he was strangled and burned, the pre-eminent hero of Bible translation. His noble work, though often faulty, remains the unshaken basis of all subsequent English versions, 80 per cent of his Old Testament and 90 per cent of his New Testament being retained in the Authorized Version. France, Spain, Italy, Holland, Bohemia all had their vernacular Bibles before 1509, and Germany hers printed in 1466, reprinted 17 times before Luther. But Tyndale's New Testament was the first part of an English Bible in print (1525), and the first English Bible printing was done in England in 1538. In 1535-36 appeared the first complete printed English Bible, based not on originals but "out of Douche and Latyn," with the help of "five interpreters" (doubtless Luther, Zürich Bible, Vulgate, Pagninus, Tyndale), by the Augustinian friar Michael Coverdale, undertaken at the bidding of Thomas Cromwell and dedicated to Henry VIII. Coverdale was not made of such stuff as Tyndale, but his work contributed to the fineness and felicity of the English. Under the pen-name of "Thomas Matthews" in 1537 John Rogers, who was to Tyndale what Purvey was to Wyclif, published the "Matthew's Bible," being Tyndale's work published and unpublished, supplemented by Coverdale's, annotated by Rogers, for all of which he "broke the ice valiantly" at the Smithfield stake, 4 Feb. 1555. The book appeared and was sold on Cranmer's petition, through Cromwell's influence, by Henry's authority. Revision followed revision; one by Coverdale, exploiting Münster's Latin version (1534-35), was called the Great Bible, or the Chained Bible, was introduced into every church, and often chained. Public interest was intense and the clergy complained bitterly that even at divine service the people would read English Scriptures rather than hear English sermons. This Great Folio, begun in Paris, "Fynisshed in Apryl 11, Anno M.CCCCC.XXXIX," shows Henry on the title page, giving the Word of God' to Cranmer and Cromwell, to give to the rest. The second of seven editions (1539-41) in 1540, called Cranmer's Bible, from Cranmer's long preface, contains the addition "This is the Byble apoynted to the use of the Churches," since then for nearly four centuries familiar. After 1546 this was the only Bible allowed. Tyndale's was forbidden in 1543, no notes were allowed, and "no woman (unless she be a noble or gentlewoman), no artificers, journeymen, servingmen, under

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