lightened people. The great object is to preserve those blessings, and to hand them down to our latest posterity. Our experience ought to satisfy us, that our progress, under the most correct and provident policy, will not be exempt from danger. Our institutions form an important epoch in the history of the civilized world. On their preservation, and in their utmost purity, everything will depend. Extending as our interests do to every part of the inhabited globe, and to every sea to which our citizens are carried by their industry and enterprise, to which they are invited by the wants of others, and have a right to go, we must either protect them in the enjoyment of their rights or abandon them, in certain events, to waste and desolation. Our attitude is highly interesting as relates to other pow ers, and particularly to our southern neighbors. We have duties to perform, with respect to all, to which we must be faithful. To every kind of danger we should pay the most vigilant and unceasing attention; remove the cause where it may be practicable, and be prepared to meet it when inevitable. Against foreign danger, the policy of the government seems to be already settled. The events of the late war admonished us to make our maritime frontier impregnable by a well-digested chain of fortifications, and to give efficient protection to our commerce by augmenting our navy to a certain extent, which has been steadily pursued, and which it is incumbent upon us to complete as soon as circumstances will permit. In the event of war, it is on the maritime frontier that we shall be assailed. It is in that quarter, therefore, that we should be prepared to meet the attack. It is there that our whole force will be called into action to prevent the destruction of our towns, and the desolation and pillage of the interior. To give full effect to this policy, great improvements will be indispensable. Access to those works, by every practicable communication, should be made easy, and in every direction. The intercourse, also, between every part of our Union, should be promoted and facilitated by the exercise of those powers which may comport with a faithful regard to the great principles of our constitution. With respect to internal causes, these great principles point out with equal certainty the policy to be pur sued. Resting on the people, as our governments do, state and national, with well-defined powers, it is of the highest importance that they severally keep within the limits prescribed to them. Fulfilling that sacred duty, it is of equal importance that the movement between them be harmonious, and in case of any disagreement, should any such occur, a calm appeal be made to the people; and their voice be heard and promptly obeyed. But governments being instituted for the common good, we can not fail to prosper while those who made them are attentive to the conduct of their representatives and control their measures. In the pursuit of those great objects, let a generous spirit and national views and feelings be indulged; and let every part recollect that, by cherishing that spirit and improving the condition of the others in what relates to their welfare, the general interest will not only be promoted, but the local advantages be reciprocated. I can not conclude this communication, the last of the kind which I shall have to make, without recollecting, with great sensibility and heartfelt gratitude, the many instances of the public confidence and the generous support which I have received from my fellow-citizens in the various trusts with which I have been honored. Having commenced my service in early youth, and continued it since with few and short intervals, I have witnessed the great difficulties to which our Union has been exposed, and admired the virtue and courage with which they were surmounted. From the present prosperous and happy state I derive a gratification which I can not express. That these blessings may be preserved and perpetuated, will be the object of my fervent and unceasing prayers to the Supreme Ruler of the universe. SPECIAL MESSAGE. JANUARY 13, 1818. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :- By the suppression of this establishment, and that of Galvestown, which will soon follow, if it has not already ceased to exist, there is good cause to believe that the consummation of a project fraught with much injury to the United States has been prevented. When we consider the persons engaged in it, being adventurers from different countries, with very few, if any, of the native inhabitants of the Spanish colonies, the territory on which the establishments were madeone on a portion of that claimed by the United States, westward of the Mississippi, the other on a part of East Florida, a province in negotiation between the United States and Spain-the claim of their leader, as announced by his proclamation on taking possession of Amelia island, comprising the whole of both the Floridas, without excepting that part of West Florida which is incorporated with the state of Louisiana; their conduct while in the possession of the island, making it instrumental to every species of contraband, and in regard to slaves, of the most odious and dangerous character; it may fairly be concluded, that, if the enterprise had succeeded on the scale on which it was formed, much annoyance and injury would have resulted from it to the United States. Other circumstances were thought to be no less deserving of attention. The institution of a government by foreign adventurers in the island, distinct from the colonial governments of Buenos Ayres, Venezuela, or Mexico, pretending to sovereignty, and exercising its highest offices, particularly in granting commissions to privateers, were acts which could not fail to draw after them the most serious consequences. It was the duty of the executive, either to extend to this establishment all the advantages of that neutrality which the United States had proclaimed, and have observed in favor of the colonies of Spain, who, by the strength of their own population and resources, had declared their independence, and were affording strong proof of their ability to maintain it, or of making the discrimination which circumstances require. Had the first course been pursued, we should not only have sanctioned all the unlawful claims and practices of this pretended government in regard to the United States, but countenanced a system of privateering in the gulf of Mexico, and elsewhere, the ill effects of which might, and probably would, have been deeply and very extensively felt. The path of duty was plain from the commencement, but it was painful to enter upon it while the obligation could be resisted. The law of 1811, lately published, and which it is therefore proper now to mention, was considered applicable to the case, from the moment that the proclamation of the chief of the enterprise was seen, and its obligation was daily increased by other considerations of high importance already mentioned, which were deemed sufficiently strong in themselves to dictate the course which has been pursued. Early intimations having been received of the dangerous purposes of these adventurers, timely precautions were taken by the establishment of a force near the St. Mary's, to prevent their effect, or it is probable that it would have been more sensibly felt. To such establishments, made so near to our settlements, in the expectation of deriving aid from them, it is particularly gratifying to find, that very little encouragement was given. The example so conspicuously displayed by our fellow-citizens, that their sympathies can not be perverted to improper purposes, but that a love of country, the influence of moral principles, and a respect for the laws, are predominant with them, is a sure pledge, that all the very flattering anticipations which have been formed of the success of our institutions will be realized. This example has proved, that if our relations with foreign powers are to be changed, it must be done by the constituted authorities, who alone, acting on a high responsi bility, are competent to the purpose; and until such change is thus made, that our fellow-citizens will respect the existing relations by a faithfnl adherence to the laws which secure them. Believing that this enterprise, though undertaken by persons some of whom may have held commissions from some of the colonies, was unauthorized by, and unknown to, the colonial governments, full confidence is entertained, that it will be disclaimed by them, and that effectual measures will be taken to prevent the abuse of their authority in all cases to the injury of the United States. For these injuries, especially those proceeding from Amelia island, Spain would be responsible, if it was not manifest that, although committed in the latter instance through her territory, she was utterly unable to prevent them. Her territory, however, ought not to be made instrumental, through her inability to defend it, to purposes so injurious to the United States. To a country over which she fails to maintain her authority, and which she permits to be converted to the annoyance of her neighbors, her jurisdiction for the time necessarily ceases to exist. The territory of Spain will nevertheless be respected, so far as it may be done consistently with the essential interests and safety of the United States. In expelling these adventurers from these posts, it was not intended to make any conquest from Spain, or to injure in any degree the cause of the colonies. Care will be taken, that no part of the territory contemplated by the law of 1811 shall be occupied by a foreign government of any kind, or that injuries, of the nature of those complained of, shall be repeated; but this, it is expected, will be provided for, with every other interest, in a spirit of amity, in the negotiation now depending with the government of Spain. SPECIAL MESSAGE. DECEMBER 17, 1819. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :— SOME doubt being entertained respecting the true intent and meaning of the act of the last session, entitled, “An act in addition to the acts prohibiting the slave-trade," as to the duties of the agents to be appointed on the coast of Africa, I think it proper to state the interpretation which has been given of the act, and the measures adopted to carry it into effect, that Congress may, should it be deemed advisable, amend the same, before further proceedings are had under it. The obligation to instruct the commanders of all our armed vessels to seize and bring into port all ships or vessels of the United States, wheresoever found, having on board any negro, mulatto, or person of color, in violation of former acts for the suppression of the slave-trade, being imperative, was executed without delay. No seizures have yet been made; but, as they were contemplated by the law, and might be presumed, it seemed proper to make the necessary regulations applicable to such seizures for carrying the several provisions of the act into effect. It is enjoined on the executive to cause all negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color, who may be taken under the act, to be removed to Africa. It is the obvious import of the law, that none of the persons thus taken should remain within the United States; and no place other than the coast of Africa being designated, their removal or delivery, whether carried from the United States, or landed immediately from the vessels in which they were taken, was supposed to be confined to the coast. No settlement or station being specified, the whole coast was thought to be left open for the selection of a proper place, at which the persons thus taken should be delivered. The executive is authorized to appoint one or more agents, residing there, to receive such persons; and one hundred thousand dollars are appropriated for the general purposes of the law. On due consideration of the several sections of the act, and of its humane policy, it was supposed to be the intention of Congress, that all the persons above described, who might be taken under it, and landed in Africa, should be aided in their return to their former homes, or in their establishment at or near the place where landed. Some shelter and food would be necessary for them there, as soon as landed, let their subsequent disposition be what it might. Should they be landed without such provision having been previously made, they might perish. It was supposed, by the authority given to the executive to appoint agents residing on the coast, that they should provide such shelter and food, and perform the other beneficent and charitable offices contemplated by the act. The coast of Africa having been little explored, and no persons residing there, who possessed the requisite qualifications to entitle them to the trust, being known to the executive, to none such could it be committed. It was believed that citizens only, who would go hence, well instructed in the views of the government, and zealous to give them effect, would be competent to these duties, and that it was not the intention of preclude their appointment. It was obvious, that the longer these persons should be detained in the United States in the hands of the marshals, the greater would be the expense, and that for the same term VOL. I.-31 the law to would the main purpose of the law be suspended. It seemed, therefore, to be incumbent on me to make the necessary arrangements for carrying this act into effect in Africa, in time to meet the delivery of any persons who might be taken by the public vessels and landed there under it. On this view of the policy and sanctions of the law, it has been decided to send a public ship to the coast of Africa with two such agents, who will take with them tools and other implements, necessary for the purposes above mentioned. To each of these agents a small salary has been allowed-fifteen hundred dollars to the principal, and twelve hundred to the other. All our public agents on the coast of Africa receive salaries for their services, and it was understood that none of our citizens, possessing the requisite qualifications, would accept these trusts, by which they would be confined to parts the least frequented and civilized, without a reasonable compensation. Such allowance, therefore, seemed to be indispensable to the execution of the act. It is intended, also, to subject a portion of the sum appropriated to the order of the principal agent, for the special objects above stated, amounting in the whole, including the salaries of the agent for one year, to rather less than one third of the appropriation. Special instructions will be given to these agents, defining, in precise terms, their duties, in regard to the persons thus delivered to them, the disbursement of the money by the principal agent, and his accountability for the same. They will also have power to select the most suitable place, on the coast of Africa, at which all persons who may be taken under this act shall be delivered to them, with an express injunction to exercise no power founded on the principle of colonization, or other power than that of performing the benevolent offices above recited, by the permission and sanction of the existing government under which they may establish themselves. Orders will be given to the commander of the public ship in which they will sail, to cruise along the coast, to give the more complete effect to the principal object of the act. SPECIAL MESSAGE. FEBRUARY 25, 1822. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:— UNDER the appropriation made by the act of Congress of the 11th of April, 1820, for holding treaties with the Creek and Cherokee nations of Indians, for the extinguishment of the Indian title to lands within the state of Georgia, pursuant to the fourth condition of the first article of the articles of agreement and cession, concluded between the United States and the state of Georgia, on the 24th day of April, 1802, a treaty was held with the Creek nation, the expense of which, upon the settlement of the accounts of the commissioners who were appointed to conduct the negoti ation, was ascertained to amount to the sum of twenty-four thousand six hundred and ninety-five dollars, leaving an unexpended balance of the sum appropriated of five thousand three hundred and five dollars; a sum too small to negotiate a treaty with the Cherokees, as was contemplated by the act making the appropriation. The legislature of Georgia being still desirous that a treaty should be held for further extinguishment of the Indian title to lands within that |