which lie in the very principles of continuity and conservatism themselves.

There are no countries on the European continent where such constant and vast changes are going on, in spite of all their outer revolutions, as in the United States and England, for the very reason that they are institutional governments— that there exists self-government with them; yet they move within their institutions. This truth is symbolically exemplified in Westminster Abbey and the Champ-de-Mars. Century after century the former has stood, and what course of historical development has flowed through it! What representative festivities, on the other hand, from the feast of the universal federation of France in 1790 to the distribution of eagles to the army in May, 1852, have succeeded each other on the latter-revolutionary, conventional, republican, imperial, royal, imperial-restorational, again Bourbonian, Orleanistic, socialistic, and uncrowned-imperialist and imperial—yet centralism has worked its steady dis-individualizing way through all. There are sermons in stones," and sermons in places.

1 The following is taken from a late (1852) French paper. It is of sufficient symbolic interest to find a place in a note:

In 1790, on the 14th of July, the anniversary of the taking of the Bastile was celebrated by what was called the Fête of the Universal Federation of France. Delegations were sent to it by every department, city, town, and village in the country, all eager to manifest their enthusiasm for the revolution of 1789. Every hundred of the National Guards was represented by six members; and there were also six deputies from every regiment of infantry, and four for every regiment of cavalry. These "confederates," as they were styled, were all entertained by the inhabitants of Paris, who are said to have rivalled each other in hospitality. In order to afford facilities to the immense number of spectators who were expected on the Champ-de-Mars, over twelve thousand workmen were employed to surround it with embankments. Fears, however, being still entertained that the work would not be completed in time, all Paris turned out to assist. Men, women, and children, the National Guard, priests even, and sisters of charity, all took part in it. The Abbe Sieyes and Viscount Beauharnais were seen tugging together at the same wheelbarrow. At the entrance to the field was erected an immense triumphal

arch; while in the centre was raised an altar, called the Altar of the Country, at which officiated Talleyrand, then Bishop of Autun. A bridge of boats was stretched across the Seine, near the Champ-de-Mars, where since has been erected the bridge of Jena.

In 1791, on the 18th of September, there was a splendid Fête for the publication of the constitution, and for receiving the oath of fidelity to it from Louis XVI.

In 1792, on the 15th of April, the Fête of Liberty was celebrated. The centre of attraction was an enormous car, in which was placed a statue of Liberty, holding a liberty-cap in one hand, and in the other a club. To such an extent was the principle of freedom carried on this occasion, that there was not a single policeman present to preserve order. The master of ceremonies was armed only with an ear of corn; nevertheless, there is said to have been no disorder.

In 1793, there was a fête in honor of the abolition of slavery. On the 10th of August of the same year, there was a fete for the acceptance of the constitution of 1793. The president of the convention received eightythree commissioners from the departments; after which the registers upon which were inscribed the votes of the Primary Assemblies were brought to him, and he deposited them upon the " Altar of the Country," amid the firing of cannon, and the rejoicing of the people, who swore to defend the constitution with their lives. On the second of December following, the Fête of Victories took place, in celebration of the taking of Toulon. On this occasion the Altar of the Country was transformed, by the poet-painter David, into a temple of immortality.

In 1794, on the 21st of January, the anniversary of the death of Louis XVI. was celebrated by all the principal authorities going to the Altar of the Country, and renewing their oath of hatred to royalty. On the ninth of June of the same year, the Fête of the Supreme Being commenced at the Tuileries, and was terminated on the Champ-de-Mars. In the centre of the plain a "Mountain" was thrown up, surmounted by an oak. On the summit of the mountain were seated the representatives of the people; while near them were a number of young men, with drawn swords in their hands, in the act of striking a symbolical figure of the "monster fanaticism."

In 1796, on the 21st of January, the anniversary of the death of Louis XVI. was again celebrated. All the public functionaries renewed once more their oath of hatred to royalty, and the people spent the day singing the Marseillaise, Ça ira, and various patriotic songs. On the thirtieth of March following, the Fête of Youth took place, on occasion of arming all the young men over sixteen years of age; and on the thirtieth of April, on the proposition of Carnot, the Fête of Victories was celebrated.

In 1798, on the 20th of March, was the Fête of the Sovereignty of the

People. On the tenth Vendemaire, there was a funeral fête in memory of General Hoche. On the tenth Messidor, the Fête of Agriculture took place, with a great display of chariots, cattle, fruits, etc. During the five supplementary days of the revolutionary year, there was a series of fêtes, with an exposition of all the products of French industry, on the Champ-de-Mars.

In 1801 there were fêtes in memory of the foundation of the Republic, and in celebration of general peace, which were attended by the First Consul.

In 1804, on the 10th of November, Napoleon, then emperor, repaired to the Champ-de-Mars, and there received the oath of fidelity and obedience from deputations representing all the corps of the army.

In 1814, on the 7th of September, the government of the Restoration distributed colors to the National Guard of Paris. The object of this distribution was to efface, if possible, even the memory of the eagles of the empire, and of the tri-colored standard of the revolution. An altar, glittering with gold and costly drapery, was erected near the military school, and in front was placed the throne occupied by Louis XVIII., who was accompanied by the Count of Artois, the Duke of Angouleme, and the Duke of Berri. Mass was celebrated by the archbishop of Paris, M. Talleyrand Perigord, uncle of the bishop of Autun, who, as we have seen, officiated at the Fête of Federation in 1790. The National Guards defiled before the Throne, while the band played Vive Henry IV. and Charmante Gabrielle.

In 1815, on the 1st of June, there was a fête in celebration of the return of the emperor. Napoleon appeared on the throne with his three brothers. A mass was performed; the constitution was acclaimed with enthusiasm; and the air was rent with cries of Vive Napoléon! The oath was taken with enthusiasm. Napoleon addressed the soldiers from the throne in the following words :

"Soldiers of the National Guard of Paris; soldiers of the Imperial Guard; I confide to you the imperial eagle, with the national standard. You swear to defend it with your lives, if need be, against the enemies of the country and this throne. You swear never to rally under any other banner."

During the restoration, the Champ-de-Mars was used chiefly for reviews of the National Guard; the most notable of which was the last one passed by Charles X., when the citizens manifested that hostility to the king which was a prelude to the revolution of 1830.

In 1837 there was a grand fête in honor of the marriage of the Duke of Orleans, on which occasion the crowd in the Champ-de-Mars was so great that twenty-four persons were suffocated or crushed to death. During most of the reign of Louis Philippe, however, the principal

gatherings in the Champ-de-Mars were on occasion of military reviews and horse-races.

In 1848, on the 22d of May, the Fête of Concord was celebrated with great pomp. The Moniteur alluded to the occasion thus:

"This solemnity was celebrated with an eclat enhanced by the magnificent weather. Under so clear a sky, and surrounded by so many joyful countenances, how was it possible to experience any feelings but those of love, conciliation and harmony? What struck us, especially, was the attitude, so full of enthusiasm and confidence, of the vast concourse of people that crowded the Champ-de-Mars; cries, a thousand times repeated, of Vive la République! Vive la République Démocratique! Vive l'Assemblée Nationale! broke out, in formidable chorus, every instant, as if to proclaim the respect of the people for the institutions which they have adopted, and their invincible repugnance to every retrograde or reactionary idea."

To the foregoing must be added the gigantic military fête on the 10th of May, 1852, called the Fête of Eagles, that is, the distribution of eagles to all the regiments of the army. A cock had been adopted as symbol of the first republic, owing either to an etymological misconception of the word Gallia, or to an intended pun on it. The emperor adopted the Roman eagle; the Bourbons brought back the three fleurs de lys; and in 1830 the cock was restored. Louis Napoleon, when president for ten years, restored the imperial eagle. It must be owned the cock looked very much as our turkey would have looked had we adopted Franklin's humorous proposition of selecting our native and respectable turkey, instead of our fine native eagle.

What feast will be celebrated on the same spot next? Whatever it may be, probably it will be nothing intrinsically different from the last.

CHAPTER XXIX.

ADVANTAGES OF INSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT, FARTHER

CONSIDERED.

THERE are some additional observations suggested by the subject of institutional self-government and by that of the institution in general, which have been deferred in order to avoid an interruption of the general argument, and to which it is necessary now to turn our attention.

It seems to me a symptomatic fact that the term People has at no period, so far as I am acquainted with the domestic history of England, become in politics a term of reproach, not even in her worst periods. On the contrary, the word People has always been surrounded with dignity, and when Chatham was called "The people's minister," it was intended by those who gave him this name as a great honor. It was far different on the continent. In French, in German and in all the continental languages with which I am acquainted, the corresponding words sank to actual terms of contempt. The word Peuple was used in France, before the first revolution, by the higher classes, in a disdainful and stigmatizing sense, and often as equivalent with canaille-that term which played so fearful a part in the sanguinary drama of the revolution, and which Napoleon purposely used, in order emphatically to express that he was or wished to be considered the man of the people, when he said somewhat soldierly: Je suis moi même sorti de la canaille.' In German, the words Volk and Nation

The dictionary of the academy gives, as the last two meanings of the word Peuple-unenlightened men, and men belonging to the lowest classes. Mr. Trench in his Lessons in Proverbs, quotes the French Jesuit Bonhours, who says: Les proverbes sont les sentences du peuple,