now proposed by the President, as to the expediency of adopting which they have been invited to aid him with their counsel and advice.

Entertaining these opinions in the performance of the duty which they believe has been required by the Senate, and anxious to manifest to the President their high respect by complying fully with the wish which he has expressed upon this subject, the committee will proceed to investigate the circumstances connected with the measure proposed, and disclosed by the documents to them referred, most deeply impressed with the importance of the consequences that may very probably result from it.

The first question which suggested itself to the committee at the very threshold of their investigation was, What cogent reasons now existed for adopting this new and untried measure, so much in conflict with the whole course of policy uniformly and happily pursued by the United States from almost the very creation of this Government to the present hour? By the principles of this policy, inculcated by our wisest statesmen in former days and approved by the experience of all subsequent time, the true interest of the United States was supposed to be promoted by avoiding all entangling connections with any other nation whatsoever. Steadily pursuing this course, while they have been desirous to manifest the most cordial good will to all nations, and to maintain with each relations of perfect amity and of commerce, regulated and adjusted by rules of the most fair, equal, and just reciprocity, the United States have hitherto sedulously abstained from associating themselves in any other way, even with those nations for whose welfare the most lively sensibility has been at all times felt and otherwise manifested.

During the conflict for freedom and independence, in which these new States of America were so long engaged with their former sovereign, although every heart in the United States beat high in sympathy with them, and fervent aspirations were hourly put up for their success, and although the relations then existing with Spain were well calculated to excite strong irritation and resentment on our part, yet the Government of the United States, convinced of the propriety of a strict adherence to the principles which it had ever proclaimed as the rule of its conduct in relation to other nations, forbore to take any part in this struggle, and maintained the most exact neutrality between these belligerents. Nor would it ever recognize the independence of these new Republics until they had become independent in fact, and the situation of their ancient sovereign in relation to them was such as to manifest that he ought no longer to be held responsible for their acts. So soon as this occurred the United States most gladly embraced the opportunity, and in being the first to proclaim the sovereignty and independence of these States, gave to them the strongest pledge of respect and cordial friendship, and sincere anxiety for their prosperity.

Since that event ministers have been dispatched to each of these new Republics, instructed to declare the sentiments sincerely and warmly felt for them by the United States, and empowered to conclude treaties with them, the objects of which should be to establish, upon principles of the most perfect justice and equity, all the ordinary relations that exist between nations. Thus much was due, not less to them than to ourselves; and in going so far we did all that our feelings dictated and the interest of either seemed then to require. What necessity has since arisen to do more? What cause exists now to prompt the United States to establish new and stronger relations with them, and

so to abandon the rule of conduct which has hitherto been here so steadily and happily pursued?

These inquiries necessarily called the attention of the committee to a minute examination of all the documents to them referred, in order that they might therein discover the reasons assigned by the new States of America for desiring the United States to be represented at the congress about to be assembled at Panama, and the motives of the President for intimating his willingness to accept this invitation. And in making such an examination many reflections presented themselves as connected with the proposed measure, all of which the committee will now state to the Senate.

In a Government, constituted as is that of the United States, in which the sentiment so natural to freemen prompts them to scrutinize most exactly the extent of all the powers they grant, and to limit this extent by the objects desired to be accomplished by their exercise, the strongest anxiety is (and is to be hoped always will be) felt to learn distinctly what is the precise object desired to be attained, and what are the precise means proposed for its attainment. Even the confidence reposed in the long-tried patriotism and well-proved wisdom of our own best citizens does not and ought not to suffice to quiet this anxiety or to overcome this jealousy, inspired by an ardent attachment to our rights and privileges. It was, therefore, much to be desired, and certainly to have been expected that, before the destinies of the United States should be committed to the deliberation and decision of a congress composed not of our own citizens, but of the representatives of many different nations, the objects of such deliberation should be most accurately stated and defined and the manner of their accomplishment clearly and distinctly marked out.

In this opinion the President himself seems to have concurred at the commencement of this negotiation; for in the report made to him on the 20th of December last by the Secretary of State, this officer states that agreeably to his directions he had informed the ministers by whom the invitation to the proposed congress at Panama was given, that "before such a congress assembled, it appeared to the President to be expedient to adjust between the different powers to be represented several preliminary points, such as the subjects to which the attention of the congress was to be directed, the nature and the form of the powers to be given to the diplomatic agents who were to compose it, and the mode of its organization and action." And it was made an express and previous condition to the acceptance of the invitation proposed to be given, that "these preliminary points should be arranged in a manner satisfactory to the United States."

It was, therefore, not without much surprise and regret that the committee discovered that, although in none of the communications subsequently made to this Government by either of the ministers of the several States by whom this invitation was given are these preliminary points even stated, and although the want of "a compliance with these conditions" is expressly noticed in the reply made to them by the Secretary of State, yet they were therein told that the President had determined "at once" to send commissioners to this congress at Panama, provided the Senate would advise and consent to such a measure.

If, then, the Senate should now demand of this committee to inform them what are the objects to be accomplished at this congress, and what are the means by which their accomplishment is to be effectedalthough as to objects the documents referred to them will enable

the committee to name a few-yet as to all others they must answer in the language of the communication made by the Mexican minister, that they are those "to which the existence of the new States may give rise, and which it is not easy to point out or enumerate." As to the means, however, the committee can only reply that, while it seems to be expected that the United States are to clothe their representatives with "ample powers" to accomplish all the enumerated and these other undefined objects also, yet the mode in which these powers, if granted, are to be used and exercised, is nowhere even hinted at.

One great question, therefore, upon which the decision of the Senate is called for will be, whether in the existing state of things it is wise or expedient that the United States should be represented at a congress of American nations by agents endowed with undefined powers to accomplish undefined objects? And this committee feel no hesitation in stating as their opinion that, if ever it may be proper to adopt such a measure, there is nothing known to them that requires or justifies it at this time.

It is true the power confided to the Senate to ratify or reject any agreement that may be entered into by such agents would constitute some safeguard to the important interests of the United States. But long experience must have informed the Senate that it is generally exceedingly difficult, and sometimes even impossible, to escape from the embarrassments produced by the mere act of entering into a negotiation; and that it is much better to abstain from doing so until its objects are distinctly known and approved than to confide in the power of the Senate, in the last resort, to refuse their assent to the ratification of an agreement after it is adjusted by means of such negotiation.

In the present case, if the measures to be accomplished by the proposed congress, whatever may be their object or character, should not meet the concurring opinion of all the parties there to be represented, we need not the lights of history to inform us that many consequences, mischievous in themselves and greatly to be deplored, not only may but most probably will result. And that a difference of opinion will exist in regard to measures so important in themselves, and so various and diversified in their effects upon nations differing from each other in almost every particular, is much to be apprehended. The power possessed by the Senate of withholding its assent ought not, therefore, to be regarded as furnishing sufficient assurance against the possible and probable effects of the proposed measure.

Turning from the undefined objects of this congress, so imperfectly disclosed in the vague description given of them, that, if seen at all, they are presented most indistinctly to their view, and regarding those which are particularly mentioned and described with more precision, this committee have not been able to discover in anyone of these last a single subject concerning which the United States ought to enter into any negotiation with the States of America to be assembled at the contemplated congress at Panama.

Before proceeding to the enumeration of these objects, the committee can not refrain from calling the attention of the Senate to a singular circumstance disclosed by the documents to them referred, although an enumeration of the subjects to which the attention of the proposed congress was to be directed was explictly stated as a condition preliminary to the acceptance by the United States of the invitation given to them to be represented; although each of the ministers giving this invitation had communicated this to his Government and

received its instructions relative thereto, yet great diversities will be found in the enumeration of these subjects, made by each of these ministers in pursuance of such instructions. And, what is still more remarkable, while many of the subjects of intended discussion so enumerated by these ministers are not referred to in the message of the President to the Senate, others are therein stated as matters for the deliberation of the proposed congress to which not the slightest allusion seems ever to have been made by anyone of the American ministers in any of their communications to this Government. Nay, one of the subjects (the most important, probably, of any which the United States are desirous to discuss at this congress) is neither noticed in the communications made to this Government by any of the American States nor in the message of the President to the Senate, and is to be only inferred from the documents last referred to this committee, received under the call made by the Senate for further information, all of which will be very clearly shown by the details which the committee will now lay before the Senate.

The first subject stated by the Mexican minister, as one which would occupy the attention of the contemplated congress and in the deliberations concerning which the United States are expected to take a part, is "the resistance or opposition to be made to the interference of any neutral nation in the question and war of independence between the new powers of this continent and Spain." And in the deliberation upon this subject it seems to be proposed "to discuss the means of giving to that resistance all possible force," and so to adjust, by previous concert, the mode in which each of the States represented at the congress "shall lend its cooperation."

The same subject is also stated by the minister of Colombia, and in terms still more explicit. He suggests as a matter of useful discussion in the congress the formation of an "eventual alliance" of the States there to be represented, for the purpose of preventing any European power from interfering in the present contest between Spain and her former colonies, and that the treaty for this purpose should “remain secret until the casus fœderis should happen."

Notwithstanding this is so stated by both of these ministers, as the first and great object of the proposed Congress, yet the President, in his message, assures the Senate "that the motive of the attendance of the United States is neither to contract alliances nor to engage in any undertaking or project importing hostility to any other nation." It thus appears that in relation to this first and most important point, which seems to have given birth to the scheme of this congress, the views and motives of the United States differ essentially from those of the other parties. And this difference of opinion, occurring as to the very first proposition, which is said to be "a matter of immediate utility to the American States that are at war with Spain," and is believed by them to "be in accordance with the repeated declarations and protests of the Cabinet at Washington," must unavoidably excite doubts as to "the interest we take in their welfare, and our disposition to comply with their wishes;" and would so contribute not a little to defeat other objects.

The next subject stated by the Mexican minister as presenting "another of the questions which may be discussed," and which he considers as being "in like predicament with the foregoing," is "the opposition to colonization in America by the European powers."

The minister of Colombia concurs in this enumeration. He places "the manner in which all colonization of European powers on the

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American continent shall be resisted" at the very head of all the subjects of proposed discussion, and couples this with the former as an object to be effected by the joint and united efforts of all the States to be represented at the congress, who should be bound by a a solemn convention to secure this end.

The President concurs in part in the opinion as to the propriety of attaining this end, but differs radically as to the mode of accomplishing it. "An agreement between all the parties represented at the meeting, that each will guard, by its own means, against the establishment of any future European colony within its borders," he thinks "may be found advisable." Now if this be meant, that each nation shall, by its own means, protect its own territories against all enroachments upon them, attempted by any European or other foreign State whatsoever, the committee can not discern either the necessity or expediency of entering into any formal agreement with other States to that effect, more than exists for reducing to treaty stipulations, any other of the high, just, and universally admitted rights of all nations. Such an idea, however, is obviously not that suggested by the ministers of Mexico and Colombia and if more is meant to be comprehended in the agreement which the President thinks may be found advisable, every other article it would contain, must, in the opinion of this committee, violate all the well-settled principles of the policy of the United States, and put at hazard their best interest, without any adequate motive for so novel an experiment. In the one case the views and motives of the President differ again, essentially, from those of the other parties to be represented at this congress; and from the disclosure of these repeated differences of opinion, no good can possibly result. And in the other, should the views of the President concur with those of the other American States (which the committee do not believe), the mutual stipulations growing out of such an agreement would, in the opinion of this committee, prove fatal to the best interests of the United States, should the casus foederis ever happen. To adjust the means of most effectual resistance to the interference of neutral nations, in the war of independence between the new powers of this continent and Spain; and of opposition to colonization in America by the European powers, are said by the Mexican minister to be "the two principal subjects" of intended discussion at the contemplated congress; and, indeed, are all the subjects of discussion which he particularly states. The minister of Colombia, however, extends his enumeration of the subjects of intended discussion somewhat further, and after mentioning those before stated, adds, as another, "the consideration of the means to be adopted for the entire abolition of the African slave trade."

To this subject the President makes no allusion in his message; and, after the examination which it has received in the Senate during two successive years, this committee deem it quite unnecessary to say much in relation to it at this time. Some of the sovereign States here represented were the first in the world to proclaim their abhorrence of this traffic. Since the formation of this Government the United States have exerted (and, as this committee believe, have exerted. effectually) all the means in their power to arrest its progress, so far as their own citizens were concerned; and if all other nations, and especially those holding possessions in America, would follow their example, the African slave trade would no longer exist. The United States, however, have not certainly the right, and ought never to feel the inclination, to dictate to others who may differ with them upon