"Under these circumstances, I thought, and still think, that it was my duty to endeavor to put it in the power of Congress, by the admission of California and New-Mexico as States, to remove all occasion for the unnecessary agitation of the public mind. the people of each will have instituted for them-, length, which may elapse before the admission selves a republican form of government, laying of the Territories ceded by Mexico, as States, it its foundation in such principles, and organizing appears probable that similar excitement will its power in such form, as to them shall seem prevail to an undue extent. most likely to effect their safety and happiness. "By awaiting their action, all causes of uneasiness may be avoided. and confidence and kind feeling preserved. With a view of maintaining the harmony and tranquillity so dear to all, we should abstain from the introduction of those exciting topics of a sectional character which have hitherto produced painful apprehensions in the public mind; and I repeat the solemn warning of the first and most illustrious of my predecessors, against furnishing any ground for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations." Jan. 4th.-Gen. Sam. Houston of Texas submitted to the Senate the following proposition: "Whereas, The Congress of the United States, possessing only a delegated authority, have no power over the subject of Negro Slavery within the limits of the United States, either to prohibit or interfere with it, in the States, Territories, or District, where, by municipal law, it now exists, or to establish it in any State or Territory where it does not exist; but, as an assurance and gua rantee to promote harmony, quiet apprehension, and remove sectional prejudice, which by possibility might impair or weaken love and devotion to the Union in any part of the country, it is hereby Resolved, That, as the people in Territories have the same inherent rights of self-government as the people in the States, if, in the exercise of such inherent rights, the people in the newlyacquired Territories, by the Annexation of Texas and the acquisition of California and New-Mexico, south of the parallel of 36 degrees and 30 minutes of north latitude, extending to the Pacific Ocean, shall establish Negro Slavery in the formation of their state governments, it shall be deemed no objection to their admission as a State or States into the Union, in accordance with the Constitution of the United States." Jan. 21st.-Gen. Taylor, in answer to a resolution of inquiry, sent a message to the House, stating that he had urged the formation of State Governments in California and New-Mexico. He adds: "In advising an early application by the people of these Territories for admission as States, I was actuated principally by an earnest desire to afford to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress the opportunity of avoiding occasions of bitter and angry discussions among the people of the United States. "It is understood that the people of the Western part of California have formed the plan of a State Constitution, and will soon submit the same to the judgment of Congress, and apply for admission as a State. This course on their part, though in accordance with, was not adopted exclusively in consequence of, any expression of my wishes, been promoted by officers sent there by my preinasmuch as measures tending to this end had decessor, and were already in active progress of execution, before any communication from me reached California. If the proposed constitution shall, when submitted to Congress, be found to be in compliance with the requisitions of the Constitution of the United States, I earnestly recommend that it may receive the sanction of Congress." He adds "Should Congress, when California shall present herself for incorporation into the Union, annex a condition to her admission as a State affecting her domestic institutions contrary to the wishes of her people, and even compel her temporarily to comply with it, yet the State could change her constitution at any time after admission, when to her it should seem expedient. Any attempt to deny to the people of the State the right of self-government, in a matter which peculiarly affects themselves, will infallibly be regarded by them as an invasion of their rights; and, upon the principles laid down in our own Declaration of Independence, they will certainly be sustained by the great mass of the American people. To assert that they are a conquered people, and must, as a State, submit to the will of their conquerors, in this regard, will meet with no cordial response among American freemen. Great numbers of them are native citizens of the United States, and not inferior to the rest of our countrymen in intelligence and patriotism; and no language of menace to restrain them in the exercise of an undoubted right, substantially guarantied to them by the treaty of cession itself, shall ever be uttered by me, or encouraged and sustained by persons acting under my authority. It is to be expected that, in the residue of the territory ceded to us by Mexico, the people residing there will, at the time of their incorporation into the Union as a State, settle all questions of domestic policy to suit themselves." Jan. 29th, 1850.-Mr. Henry Clay of Ky. submitted to the Senate the following propositions, which were made a special order and printed: "Under the Constitution, every State has the Feb. 13, 1850.-Gen. Taylor communiright to establish, and, from time to time, alter its municipal laws and domestic institutions, in-cated to Congress the Constitution (free) of dependently of every other State and of the the State of California. General Government, subject only to the prohibitions and guarantees expressly set forth in the Constitution of the United States. The subjects thus left exclusively to the respective States, were not designed or expected to become topics of National agitation. Still as, under the Constitution, Congress has power to make all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territories of the United States, every new acquisition of territory has led to discussions on the question whether the system of involuntary servitude, which prevails in many of the States, should or should not be prohibited in that Territory. The periods of excitement from this cause, which have heretofore occurred, have been safely passed; but, during the interval, of whatever "1. Resolved, That California, with suitable boundaries, ought, upon her application, to be admitted as one of the States of this Union, without the imposition by Congress of any restriction in respect to the exclusion or introduction of Slavery within those boundaries. "2. Resolved, That as Slavery does not exist by law, and is not likely to be introduced into any of the territory acquired by the United States from the Republic of Mexico, it is inexpedient for Congress to provide by law either for its introduction into, or exclusion from, any part of the said territory; and that appropriate territorial governments ought to be established by Congress in all the said territory, not assigned as within the boundaries of the proposed State of California, without the adoption of any restriction or condition on the subject of Slavery. 3. Resolved, That the western boundary of the State of Texas ought to be fixed on the Rio del Norte, commencing one marine league from its mouth, and running up that river to the southern line of New-Mexico; thence with that line eastwardly, and so continuing in the same direction to the line as established between the United States and Spain, excluding any portion of NewMexico, whether lying on the east or west of that river. "4. Resolved, That it be proposed to the State of Texas, that the United States will provide for the payment of all that portion of the legitimate and bona fide public debt of that State contracted prior to its annexation to the United States, and for which the duties on foreign imports were pledged by the said State to its creditors, not exceeding the sum of dollars, in consideration of the said duties so pledged having been no longer applicable to that object after the said annexation, but having thenceforward become payable to the United States; and upon the condition, also, that the said State of Texas shall, by some solemn and authentic act of her legislature, or of a convention, relinquish to the United States any claim which she has to any part of New-Mexico. "5. Resolved, That it is inexpedient to abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia whilst that institution continues to exist in the State of Maryland, without the consent of that State, without the consent of the people of the District, and without just compensation to the owners of Slaves within the District. "6. But Resolved, that it is expedient to prohibit, within the District, the slave trade in slaves brought into it from States or places beyond the limits of the District, either to be sold therein as merchandise, or to be transported to other markets without the District of Columbia. 7. Resolved, That more effectual provision ought to be made by law, according to the requirement of the Constitution, for the restitution and delivery of persons bound to service or labor in any State, who may escape into any other State or Territory in the Union. And, "8. Resolved, That Congress has no power to prohibit or obstruct the trade in slaves between the Slaveholding States, but that the admission or exclusion of Slaves brought from one into another of them, depends exclusively upon their own particular laws." Feb. 28th.-Mr. John Bell of Tenn. submitted to the Senate the following propositions : "Whereas, Considerations of the highest interest to the whole country demand that the existing and increasing dissensions between the North and the South, on the subject of Slavery, should be speedily arrested, and that the questions in controversy be adjusted upon some basis which shall tend to give present quiet, repress sectional animosities, remove, as far as possible, the causes of future discord, and secure the uninterrupted enjoyment of those benefits and advantages which the Union was intended to confer in equal measure upon all its members; And, whereas, It is manifest, under present circumstances, that no adjustment can be effected of the points of difference unhappily existing between the Northern and Southern sections of the Union, connected with the subject of Slavery, which shall secure to either section all that is con tended for, and that mutual concessions upon questions of mere policy, not involving the viola tion of any constitutional right or principle, must be the basis of every project affording any assur ance of a favorable acceptance; "And, whereas, The joint resolution for annexing Texas to the United States, approved March 1, 1845, contains the following condition and guarantee-that is to say: New States of convenient size, not exceeding four in num ber, in addition to said State of Texas, and having sufficient population, may hereafter, by the con sent of said State, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be entitled to admission under the provisions of the Federal Constitution; and such States as may be formed out of that portion of said territory lying south of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri Compromise line, shall be admitted into the Union with or without Slavery, as the people of each State asking admission may desire; and in such State or States as shall be formed out of said territory north of said Missouri Compromise line, Slavery, or involuntary servitude (except for crime), shall be prohibited: Therefore, "1. Resolved, That the obligation to comply with the condition and guarantee above recited in good faith be distinctly recognized; and that, in part compliance with the same, as soon as the people of Texas shall, by an act of their legislature, signify their assent by restricting the limits thereof, within the territory lying east of the Trinity and south of the Red River, and when the people of the residue of the territory claimed by Texas adopt a constitution, republican in form, they be admitted into the Union upon an equal footing in all respects with the original States. "2. Resolved, That if Texas shall agree to cede, the United States will accept, a cession of all the unappropriated domain in all the territory claimed by Texas, lying west of the Colorado and extending north to the forty-second parallel of north latitude, together with the jurisdiction and sovereignty of all the territory claimed by Texas, north of the thirty-fourth parallel of north latitude, and to pay therefor a sum not exceeding millions of dollars, to be applied in the first place to the extinguishment of any portion of the existing public debt of Texas, for the discharge of which the United States are under any obligation, implied or otherwise, and the remainder as Texas shall require. "3. Resolved, That when the population of that portion of the territory claimed by Texas, lying south of the thirty-fourth parallel of north latitude and west of the Colorado, shall be equal to the ratio of representation in Congress, under the last preceding apportionment, according to the provisions of the Constitution, and the people of such territory shall, with the assent of the new State contemplated in the preceding resolution, have adopted a State Constitution, republican in form, they be admitted into the Union as a State, upon an equal footing with the original States. "4. Resolved, That all the territory now claimed by Texas, lying north of the thirty-fourth parallel of north latitude, and which may be ceded to the United States by Texas, be incorporated with the Territory of New-Mexico, except such part thereof as lies east of the Rio Grande and south of the thirty-fourth degree of north latitude, and that the Territory so composed form a State, to be admitted into the Union when the inhabitants thereof shall adopt a State Constitution, republican in form, with the consent of Congress; but, in the mean time, and until Congress shall give such consent, provision be made for the government of the inhabitants of said Territory suitable to their condition, but without any restriction as to Slavery. "5. Resolved, That all the territory ceded to by his slave-property, and to enjoy the same the United States, by the Treaty of Guadaloupe therein, free from all molestation or hindrance Hidalgo, lying west of said Territory of New-whatsoever. Mexico, and east of the contemplated new State 3. Whether Slavery is or is not likely to be of California, for the present, constitute one Ter-introduced into these territories, or into any of ritory, and for which some form of government suitable to the condition of the inhabitants be provided, without any restriction as to Slavery. "6. Resolved, That the constitution recently formed by the people of the western portion of California, and presented to Congress by the President on the 13th day of February, 1850, be accepted, and that they be admitted into the Union as a State, upon an equal footing in all respects with the original States. "7. Resolved, That, in future, the formation of State Constitutions, by the inhabitants of the territories of the United States, be regulated by law; and that no such constitution be hereafter formed or adopted by the inhabitants of any Territory belonging to the United States, without the consent and authority of Congress. "8. Resolved, That the inhabitants of any Territory of the United States, when they shall be authorized by Congress to form a State Constitution, shall have the sole and exclusive power to regulate and adjust all questions of internal State policy, of whatever nature they may be, controlled only by the restrictions expressly imposed by the Constitution of the United States. "9. Resolved, That the Committee on Territories be instructed to report a bill in conformity with the spirit and principles of the foregoing resolutions.' A debate of unusual duration, earnestness, and ability ensued, mainly on Mr. Clay's Resolutions. They were regarded by uncompromising champions, whether of Northern or of Southern views, but especially of the latter, as conceding substantially the matter in dispute to the other side. Thus, Jan. 29th.-Mr. Clay having read and briefly commented on his propositions, seriatim, he desired that they should be held over without debate, to give time for consideration, and made a special order for Monday or Tuesday following. But this was not assented to. Mr. Rusk rose at once to protest against that portion of them which called in question the right of Texas to so much of NewMexico as lies east of the Rio del Norte. Mr. Foote of Miss. spoke against them generally, saying: "If I understand the resolutions properly, they are objectionable, as it seems to me, "1. Because they only assert that it is not expedient that Congress should abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia; thus allowing the implication to arise that Congress has power to legislate on the subject of Slavery in the District, which may hereafter be exercised, if it should become expedient to do so; whereas, I hold that Congress has, under the Constitution, no such power at all, and that any attempt thus to legislate would be a gross fraud upon all the States of the Union. "2. The Resolutions of the honorable Senator assert that Slavery does not now exist by law in the territories recently acquired from Mexico; whereas, I am of opinion that the treaty with the Mexican republic carried the Constitution, with all its guaranties, to all the territory obtained by treaty, and secured the privilege to every South ern slaveholder to enter any part of it, åttended them, is a proposition too uncertain, in my judg ment, to be at present positively affirmed; and I am unwilling to make a solemn legislative decla ration on the point. Let the future provide the appropriate solution of this interesting question. 4. Considering, as I have several times heretofore formally declared, the title of Texas to all the territory embraced in her boundaries, as laid down in her law of 1836, full, complete, and undeniable, I am unwilling to say anything, by resolution or otherwise, which may in the least degree draw that title into question, as I think is done in one of the resolutions of the honorable Senator from Kentucky. "5. I am, upon constitutional and other grounds, wholly opposed to the principle of assuming State debts, which I understand to be embodied in one of the resolutions of the hon. orable Senator from Kentucky. If Texan soil is to be bought, (and with certain appropriate safe. guards, I am decidedly in favor of it,) let us pay to the sovereign State of Texas the value thereof in money, to be used by her as she pleases. It will be, as I think, more delicate and respectful to let her provide for the management of this matter, which strictly domestic in its character, in such manner as she may choose-presuming that she will act wisely, justly, and honorably toward all to whom she may be indebted. "6. As to the abolition of the slave-trade in the District of Columbia, I see no particular objection to it, provided it is done in a delicate and menaces and demands of factionists and fanatics. judicious manner, and is not a concession to the If other questions can be adjusted, this one will, perhaps, occasion but little difficulty. "7. The resolutions which provide for the resfor the establishment of territorial governments, toration of fugitives from labor or service, and free from all restriction on the subject of Slavery, have my hearty approval. The last resolutionwhich asserts that Congress has no power to prohibit the trade in Slaves from State to Stateequally approve. "8. If all other questions connected with the subject of Slavery can be satisfactorily adjusted, I can see no objection to admitting all California, above the line of 36 deg. 30 min., into the Union; provided another new Slave State can be laid off within the present limits of Texas, so as to keep the present equiponderance between the Slave and Free States of the Union; and provided further, all this is done by way of compromise, and in order to save the Union, (as dear to me as to any man living.") Mr. Mason of Va., after expressing his deep anxiety to "go with him who went furthest, but within the limits of strict duty, in adjusting these unhappy differences," added: "Sir, so far as I have read these resolutions, there is but one proposition to which I can give a hearty assent, and that is the resolution which proposes to organize Territorial governments at once in these Territories, without a declaration one way or the other as to their domestic institutions. But there is another which I deeply regret to see introduced into this Senate, by a Senator from a slaveholding State; it is that which assumes that Slavery does not now exist by law in those countries. I understand one of these propositions to declare that, by law. Slavery is now abolished in New-Mexico and California. That was the very proposition advanced by the non-slaveholding States at the last session; combated and disproved, as I thought, by gentlemen from the slaveholding States, and which the Compromise bill was framed to test. So far, I regarded the question of law as disposed of, and it was very clearly and satisfactorily shown to be against the spirit of the resolution of the Senator from Kentucky. If the contrary is true, I presume the Senator from Kentucky would declare that if a law is now valid in the Territories abolishing Slavery, that it could not be introduced there, even if a law was passed creating the institution, or repealing the statutes already existing; a doctrine never assented to, so far as I know, until now, by any Senator representing one of the slaveholding States. Sir, I hold the very opposite, and with such confidence, that at the last session I was willing and did vote for a bill to test this question in the Supreme Court. Yet this resolution assumes the other doctrine to be true, and our assent is challenged to it as a proposition of law. "I do not mean to detain the Senate by any discussion; but I deemed it to be my duty to enter a decided protest, on the part of Virginia, against such doctrines. They concede the whole question at once, that our people shall not go into the new Territories and take their property with them; a doctrine to which I never will assent, and for which, sir, no law can be found. There are other portions of the resolutions, for which, if they could be separated, I should be very willing to vote. That respecting fugitive slaves, and that respecting the organization of governments in these Territories, I should be willing to vote for; and I am happy to declare the gratification I experience at finding the Senator from Kentucky differing so much, on this subject, from the Executive message recently laid before the Senate.. I beg not to be understood as having spoken in any spirit of unkindness towards the Senator from Kentucky, for whom I entertain the warmest and most profound respect but I cannot but express also my regret that he has felt it to be his duty, standing as he does before this people, and representing the people he does, to introduce into this body resolutions of this kind." : Mr. Jefferson Davis of Miss. (since and now Secretary of War) objected specially to so much of Mr. Clay's propositions as relates to the boundary of Texas, to the Slave-trade in the Federal district, and to Mr. Clay's avowal in his speech that he did not believe Slavery ever would or could be established in any part of the territories acquired from Mexico. He continued: anty or counteracting measure is connected with it." Mr. Clay in reply said: "I am extremely sorry to hear the Senator from Mississippi say that he requires, first, the extension of the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific; and also that he is not satisfied with that, but requires, if I understood him correctly, a positive provision for the admission of Slavery south of that line. And now, sir, coming from a Slave State, as I do, I owe it to myself, I owe it to truth, I owe it to the subject, to state that no earthly power could induce me to vote for a specific measure for the introduction of Slavery where it had not before existed, either south or north of that line. Coming as I do from a Slave State, it is my solemn, deliberate, and well-matured determination that no power-no earthly power-shall compel me to vote for the positive introduction of Slavery either south or north of that line. Sir, while you reproach, and justly, too, our British ancestors for the introduction of this institution upon the continent of America, I am, for one, unwilling that the posterity of the present inhabitants of California and of NewMexico shall reproach us for doing just what we reproach Great Britain for doing to us. If the citizens of those Territories choose to establish Slavery, I am for admitting them with such provisions in their constitutions; but then, it will be their own work, and not ours, and their posterity will have to reproach them, and not us, for forming constitutions allowing the institution of Slavery to exist among them. These are my views, sir, and I choose to express them; and I care not how extensively and universally they are known. The honorable Senator from Virginia has expressed his opinion that Slavery exists in these Territories, and I have no doubt that opinion is sincerely and honestly entertained by him; and I would say with equal sincerity and honesty, that I believe that Slavery nowhere exists within any portion of the Territory acquired by us from Mexico. He holds a directly contrary opinion to mine, as he has a perfect right to do; and we will not quarrel about that difference of opinion." Mr. William R. King of Ala. was inclined to look with favor on Mr. Clay's propositions, and assented to some of them; but he objected to the mode in which California had formed what is called a State Constitution. He preferred the good old way of first organizing Territories, and so training up their people "for the exercise and enjoyment of our institutions." Besides, he thought "there was not that kind of population there that justified the formation of a State Government.' On the question of Slavery in the new Territories, he said: "But, sir, we are called upon to receive this as a measure of compromise! As a measure in which we of the minority are to receive nothing. A measure of compromise! I look upon it as but a modest mode of taking that, the claim to which has been more boldly asserted by others; and, that I may be understood upon this question, "With regard to the opinions of honorable and that my position may go forth to the coun- Senators, respecting the operation of the laws of try in the same columns that convey the senti- Mexico in our newly-acquired territories, there ments of the Senator from Kentucky, I here may be, and no doubt is, an honest difference of assert, that never will I take less than the Mis- opinion with regard to that matter. Some believe souri Compromise line extended to the Pacific that the municipal institutions of Mexico overocean, with the specific recognition of the right rule the provisions of our Constitution, and preto hold slaves in the territory below that line; vent us from carrying our slaves there. That is and that, before such territories are admitted in- a matter which I do not propose to discuss; it has to the Union as States, slaves may be taken there been discussed at length in the debate upon the from any of the United States at the option of Compromise bill, putting it on the ground of a the owners. I can never consent to give addi- judicial decision. Sir, I know not-nor is it a tional power to a majority to commit further ag- matter of much importance with me-whether gressions upon the minority in this Union; and that which the honorable Senator states to be a will never consent to any proposition which fact, and which, as has been remarked by the will have such a tendency, without a full guar-Senator from Mississippi, can only be conjectural, than this: That California is already disposed of having formed a State Constitution, and tha. Territorial Governments shall be organized for Deseret and New-Mexico, under which, by the operation of laws already existing, a slaveholdslaves there. What is there in the nature of a compromise here, coupled, as it is, with the proposition that, by the existing laws in the Territories, it is almost certain that slaveholders cannot, and have no right to, go there with their property? What is there in the nature of a compromise here? I am willing, however, to run the risks, and am ready to give to the Territories the governments they require. I shall always think that, under a constitution giving equal rights to all parties, the slaveholding people, as such, can go to these Territories, and retain their property there. But, if we adopt this proposition of the Senator from Kentucky, it is clearly on the basis that Slavery shall not go there. be in reality so or not-that Slavery never can go there. This is what is stated, however. Well, be it so. If slave labor be not profitable there, it will not go there; or, if it go, who will be benefited? Not the South. They will never compel it to go there. We are misunderstood-ing population could not carry with them, or own grossly, I may say-by honorable Senators, though not intentionally; but we are contending for a principle, and a great principle-a principle lying at the very foundation of our constitutional rights-involving, as has been remarked, our property; in one word, involving our safety, our honor, all that is dear to us, as American freemen. Well, sir, for that principle we will be compelled to contend to the utmost, and to resist aggression at every hazard and at every sacrifice. That is the position in which we are placed. We ask no act of Congress-as has been properly intimated by the Senator from Mississippi-to carry Slavery anywhere. Sir, I believe we have as much constitutional power to prohibit Slavery from going into the territories of the United States, as we have to pass an act carrying Slavery there. We have no right to do either the one or the other. I would as soon vote for the Wilmot Proviso as I would vote for any law which required that Slavery should go into any of the Territories." Mr. Downs of Louisiana said: "I must confess that, in the whole course of my life, my astonishment has never been greater than it was when I saw this [Mr. Clay's] proposition brought forward as a compromise; and rise now, sir, not for the purpose of discussing it at all, but to protest most solemnly against it. I consider this compromise as no compromise at all. What, sir, does it grant to the South? I can see nothing at all. The first resolution offer ed by the honorable Senator proposes to admit the State of California with a provision prohibiting Slavery in territory which embraces all our possessions on the Pacific. It is true, there may be a new regulation of the boundary hereafter; but, if there were to be such a regulation, why was it not embraced in this resolution? Ás no boundary is mentioned, we have a right to presume that the boundary established by the Constitution of California was to be received as the established boundary. What concession, then, is it from the North, that we admit a State thus prohibiting Slavery, embracing the whole of our possessions on the Pacific coast, according to these resolutions? As to the resolution relating to New-Mexico and Deseret, if it had simply contained the provision that a constitutional government shall be established there, without any mention of Slavery whatever, it would have been well enough. But, inasmuch as it is affirmed that Slavery does not now exist in these Territories, does it not absolutely preclude its admission there? and the resolutions might just as well affirm that Slavery should be prohibited in these Territories. The Senator from Alabama, if I understood him aright, maintains that the proposition is of the same import as the Wilmot Proviso; and, in view of these facts, I would ask, is there anything conceded to us of the South?" Mr. Butler of South Carolina said: "Perhaps our Northern brethren ought to understand that all the Compromises that have been made, have been by concessions-acknowledged concessions on the part of the South. When other compromises are proposed, that require new concessions on their part, whilst none are exacted on the other, the issue, at least, should be presented for their consideration before they come to the decision of their great question. If I understand it, the Senator from Kentucky's whole proposition of compromise is nothing more "I do not understand the Senator from Mississippi (Mr. Davis) to maintain the proposition, that the South asked or desired a law declaring that Slavery should go there, or that it maintained the policy even that it was the duty of Congress to pass such a law. We have only asked, and it is the only compromise to which we will submit, that Congress shall withhold the hand of violence from the Territories. The only way in which this question can be settled is, for gentlemen from the North to withdraw all their opposition to the Territorial Governments, and not insist on their Slavery Prohibition. The Union is then safe enough. Why, then, insist on a compromise, when those already made are sufficient for the peace of the North and South, if faithfully observed? These propositions are in the name of a compromise, when none is necessary." The debate having engrossed the attention of the Senate for nearly two months March 25th.-Mr. Douglas, from the Committee on Territories, reported the following bills: Senate, 169.-A bill for the admission of California into the Union. Senate, 170.-A bill to establish the Territorial Governments of Utah and New-Mexico, and for other purposes. These bills were read, and passed to a second reading. Bell's resolves do lie on the table. Lost: April 15th.—The discussion of Mr. Clay's resolutions still proceeding, Colonel Benton moved that the previous orders be postponed, and that the Senate now proceed to consider the bill (S. 169) for the admission of the State of California. Mr. Clay moved that this proposition do lie on the table. Carried Yeas 27 (for a Compromise); Nays 24 (for a settlement without compromise). solves aforesaid, when Mr. Benton moved The Senate now took up Mr. Bell's rethat they lie on the table. Lost: Yeas 24; Nays 28. Mr. Benton next moved that they be so amended as not to connect or mix up the admission of California with any other question. Lost: Yeas 23; Nays 28. |