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Ceon 8293.10

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In the instructions given to the enumerators who have taken the population censuses of the State for the years 1875, 1885, and 1895, aliens have been defined as "all male persons, of foreign birth, 21 years of age or over, who have not complied with the naturalization laws of the United States." Until the State Census of 1875 was taken, no enumeration had ever been made of the aliens resident in the Commonwealth, but this feature of the enumeration has become a permanent part of the State Censuses, and has been incorporated in the schedules used in the United States Census.

In a population like that of Massachusetts, made up of immigrants from nearly every country upon the face of the globe, it is obviously of great importance to know to what extent the foreign born assimilate themselves with our political system, and also to learn what position they take among our industrial forces.

Part II of the Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau for 1882 related to CITIZENSHIP, and showed the composition of the voting population of the State. In his analysis of the tables therein presented, Hon. Carroll D. Wright, at that time Chief of the Bureau, said: "There are but few States that can determine for themselves the facts herein shown for Massachusetts. A statistical picture is given of not only the population and legal voters of each municipality, but of the male population of voting age of each of the leading foreign elements in our midst, viz. the English, Irish, Canadians, and Germans. Popular estimates relating to the points covered by the table have been very unsatisfactory. Party canvassers have not known the strength of the non-naturalized or alien population, and the public generally has vastly over-estimated the voting power of our adopted citizens; and the same over-estimate has been made by the adopted citizens themselves."

The analysis continued: "The labor problems of different generacions would be less troublesome, both to labor and capital, if the workingmen would take such educated interest in public affairs. . . . This Part on Citizenship has been prepared for the express purpose of stimu

lating such interest. Our youth should be brought up to comprehend the elements of government, as indicated by fundamental law, with some understanding of the methods by which government is administered. They would then better appreciate the return which comes from taxation, and be more capable of levying taxes. Our voting population, on account of its deplorable indifference to the suffrage, deserves more severe criticism than do foreign born residents for not becoming naturalized, for, if our native born voters cannot take the trouble to vote, they cannot expect those who have grown up under different institutions, and often speaking a different language, to take a very ardent interest in the growth and prosperity of the Republic. The example of an interested, well-informed, native voting population will stimulate the desire in all new-comers to become a part of the body politic, with all the privileges belonging to such membership."

In Part II of the Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau for 1888 appeared an article entitled CITIZENS AND ALIENS. In this Part comparative figures with those given in the Report for 1882 are presented, relating not only to the political classification of the foreign born residents, but also to the presence of aliens in the industries of the Commonwealth. Hon. Horace G. Wadlin, at that time Chief of the Bureau, in his analysis of the tables, said: "The industrial development of the Commonwealth, and the changes in the composition of our population due to immigration fostered by this development, affect to a large degree the elements of political citizenship. . . . The presence in a republic of a large alien population, taking no active part in political affairs, would of itself constitute a menace to free institutions. . . . Organized force, as opposed to the State, has no place where, as with us, the State is only another name for the people. But this theory, which lies at the basis of our political structure, can only have practical effect in proportion as all classes to whom political citizenship is possible avail themselves of its powers and assume its responsibilities. It is not too strong a statement to say that every inequality affecting wage workers, so far as such inequality is supported by existing law, could be removed through the orderly exercise of the functions of citizenship. This is in accordance with the genius of our institutions. The immigrant who comes here filled with prejudice against the social order, and determined to remain unconnected with our political system, is no longer desired; but against him who seeks enlarged opportunity, and greater civil and industrial liberty, and who is ready to do his part toward sustaining our institutions, no criticism is valid. A foreign born population of the latter class has proved essential to the prosperity of the State, in the industrial development of which it has had so large a share. It should share in our political life, and should feel that it has a stake in the common welfare. It can do this effectively in no other way than through the acquirement of political citizenship. The dangerous vote is the unintelligent and the

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