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Washington, January 24, 1902. In reporting this treaty favorably to the Senate, Senator Cullom, of the Committee on Foreign Relations, stated:

"These islands, together with Porto Rico, are of great importance in a strategic way, whether the strategy be military or commercial. St. Thomas is the natural point of call for all European trade bound to the West Indies, Central America, or northern South America. These islands, together with Porto Rico, form the northeastern corner of the Caribbean Sea, and are of great importance in connection with the American isthmus, where a canal will be constructed between the Atlantic and Pacific. They are of first importance in connection with our relations to the region of the Orinoco and the Amazon and with our control of the Windward Passage." The treaty was approved by the United States Senate February 17, 1902, but failed of ratification by a tie vote in the upper house of the Danish Rigsdag.

All of the reasons upon which the two prior treaties were based, whether strategic, economic, or political, are of more force to-day than in previous years. There can be no question as to the value of St. Thomas Harbor as a naval port, with its circular configuration, ample roadsteads, protection from prevailing winds and seas, and facilities for fortifications. Moreover, the advantages of the possession of a naval base off the entrance of the Panama Canal and near the island of Porto Rico are self-evident.

The commercial value of the islands cannot be doubted. Lying in close proximity to many of the passages into the Caribbean Sea, the use of St. Thomas Harbor as a supply station for merchant ships plying between the United States and South America, and for vessels in other trades, is of great importance. The existing modern harbor works, floating docks, marine slip and wharves provided with electric cranes, oil reservoirs, coal depots, fresh-water tanks, machine shops, and warehouses contribute to the commercial advantages of St. Thomas Harbor as a port of call and transshipment for ships in the Central and South American trades.

The political importance of extending American jurisdiction over the islands is not to be overlooked. The Caribbean is within the peculiar sphere of influence of the United States, especially since the completion of the Panama Canal, and the possibility of a change of sovereignty of any of the islands now under foreign jurisdiction is of grave concern to the United States. Moreover, the Monroe Doctrine, a settled national policy of the United States, would have caused this country to look with disfavor upon the transfer of sovereignty of the Danish West Indies to any other European nation.

In view of these considerations, the treaty of cession of these islands to the United States is a matter of no small moment in this country. I do not hesitate, therefore, to recommend that the Congress be urged to take action during the present session to enable this Government to discharge its conventional obligation to Denmark by the payment to the Government of Denmark of the sum of $25,000,000 by April 17 next.1

On March 3, 1917, the President approved an Act of Congress to provide a temporary government for the Danish West Indies. This Act is also printed in the Supplement to this JOURNAL, page 96. The 1 House Report, No. 1505, 64th Cong. 2d Sess.

Act gives the President authority to assign an officer of the Army or of the Navy to serve as governor of the islands. After careful consideration it was decided that the islands should be administered by the Navy Department, instead of the War Department which governs the other insular possessions of the United States. Rear Admiral James H. Oliver has been appointed the first American governor.

GEORGE A. FINCH.

DEMOCRATIC RUSSIA

ON July 4, 1776, the thirteen United States of America proclaimed their independence in a document which has not yet lost its point or application, and, in doing so, laid down certain principles which were revolutionary then and now, and which will engender revolutions until they shall triumph, not merely in the minds and hearts of men, but in the form of government and in the practice of nations.

We hold these truths (the Declaration runs) to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.

The last people to confess its faith in the right of the people to alter or abolish a form of government which had become destructive of these ends and to institute new government "as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness" is the Russian people, and, like the revolutionary statesmen of 1776, the revolutionary statesmen of Russia of 1917 have issued an appeal to the peoples in accordance with "a decent respect to the opinions of mankind." The facts which they submitted to a candid world are contained in the appeal of the Executive Committee dated March 18, 1917, and, omitting the

names of the Cabinet, this important document, this charter of liberty and of a nation's hope follows in full:

Citizens: The Executive Committee of the Duma, with the aid and support of the garrison of the capital and its inhabitants, has succeeded in triumphing over the obnoxious forces of the old regime in such a manner that we are able to proceed to a more stable organization of the executive power, with men whose past political activity assures them the country's confidence.

[The names of the members of the new Government are then given and the appeal continues:]

The new Cabinet will base its policy on the following principles:

First An immediate general amnesty for all political and religious offenses, including terrorist acts and military and agrarian offenses.

Second Liberty of speech and of the press; freedom for alliances, unions, and strikes, with the extension of these liberties to military officials within the limits admitted by military requirements.

Third

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Abolition of all social, religious, and national restrictions. Fourth-To proceed forthwith to the preparation and convocation of a constitutional assembly, based on universal suffrage, which will establish a governmental regime.

Fifth-The substitution of the police by a national militia, with chiefs to be elected and responsible to the Government.

Sixth-Communal elections to be based on universal suffrage.

Seventh- The troops which participated in the revolutionary movement will not be disarmed, but will remain in Petrograd.

Eighth - While maintaining strict military discipline for troops on active service, it is desirable to abrogate for soldiers all restrictions in the enjoyment of social rights accorded other citizens.

The Provisional Government desires to add that it has no intention to profit by the circumstances of the war to delay the realization of the measures of reform above mentioned.

We do not know at the present writing the history of the movement which resulted in the abdication of the Romanoffs and the substitution in their place of a government "of the people, by the people and for the people." We know that the leaders of thought in Russia have prayed, have lived, have worked, have died for better things, and we who believe in better things know that they have not worked and died in vain. The immediate cause of the overthrow of the Romanoff dynasty seems to have been the issue of two ukases suspending the sittings of the Duma and the Council of the Empire, but behind this was the longing for better things which took advantage of the condition produced by the unwisdom of the Czar, just as it would have taken advantage of a favorable condition at some future time. On the

same fateful day of March 16, 1917, the Czar abdicated the throne which was not longer his in favor of his brother, the Grand Duke Michael, and the latter gentleman, either believing in the American doctrine of the consent of the governed, or not quite sure that the brother could pass title to what he no longer possessed, would apparently have none of it, unless the people should insist upon his accepting the throne. The following is the text of the Czar's abdication:

We, Nicholas II, by the Grace of God Emperor of all the Russias, Czar of Poland, and Grand Duke of Finland, etc., make known to all our faithful subjects:

In the day of the great struggle against a foreign foe, who has been striving for three years to enslave our country, God has wished to send to Russia a new and painful trial. Interior troubles threaten to have a fatal repercussion on the final outcome of the war. The destinies of Russia and the honor of our heroic army, the happiness of the people, and all the future of our dear Fatherland require that the war be prosecuted at all cost to a victorious end. The cruel enemy is making his last effort, and the moment is near when our valiant army, in concert with those of our glorious Allies, will definitely chastise the foe.

In these decisive days in the life of Russia we believe our people should have the closest union and organization of all their forces for the realization of speedy victory. For this reason, in accord with the Duma of the Empire, we have considered it desirable to abdicate the throne of Russia and lay aside our supreme power.

Not wishing to be separated from our loved son, we leave our heritage to our brother, the Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovitch, blessing his advent to the throne of Russia. We hand over the Government to our brother in full union with the representatives of the nation who are seated in the legislative chambers, taking this step with an inviolable oath in the name of our well-beloved country.

We call on all faithful sons of the Fatherland to fulfill their sacred patriotic duty in this painful moment of national trial and to aid our brother and the representatives of the nation in bringing Russia into the path of prosperity and glory. May God aid Russia.

And the following is the text of Grand Duke Michael's statement:

This heavy responsibility has come to me at the voluntary request of my brother, who has transferred the imperial throne to me during a preiod of warfare which is accompanied with unprecedented popular disturbances.

Moved by the thought, which is in the minds of the entire people, that the good of the country is paramount, I have adopted the firm resolution to accept the supreme power only if this be the will of our great people, who, by a plebiscite organized by their representatives in a constituent assembly, shall establish a form of government and new fundamental laws for the Russian State.

Consequently, invoking the benediction of our Lord, I urge all citizens of Russia to submit to the Provisional Government, established upon the initiative of the Duma and invested with full plenary powers, until such time, which will follow with as little delay as possible, as the constitutent assembly, on a basis of univer

sal, direct, equal, and secret suffrage, shall, by its decision as to the new form of government, express the will of the people.

It is a source of congratulation to the Americans that the United States should have been the first nation to recognize the new government of Russia based upon the consent of the governed, for on March 22, 1917, the Honorable David R. Francis, American Ambassador to Petrograd, formally recognized the provisional government on behalf of the United States.

On April 16, 1816, the great Napoleon is reported by De las Casas to have said, after referring to the perilous situation in which the continent of Europe then was, that "in the present state of things before one hundred years all Europe may be all Cossack or all republican." Let us hope that, whether Cossack or republican, the new Europe will accept the principles of the Declaration of Independence and make them realities.

JAMES BROWN SCOTT.

THE ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES TOWARD POLITICAL DISTURBANCES IN CUBA

THE President of the Republic of Cuba is elected for the period of four years, and presidential elections were held on November 1, 1916. President Menocal was the candidate of the conservative party for reëlection. Dr. Alfredo Zayas was the liberal candidate. The election of neither was conceded by the partisans of the other and fraud was freely charged by both parties. The Cuban Government has profited by the experience of the United States in the HayesTilden case by having a Central Commission to which an appeal may be taken in case of contested elections, and an appeal lies in fact and in law from the Central Commission to the Supreme Court of the Island. In case the Supreme Court should not be able to determine the result in a given district or province, it may order a new election in such district or province. This has happened in the case of the Provinces of Santa Clara and Oriente.

Charges were made that the government would not allow the voters freely to cast their ballots in Santa Clara and Oriente and an appeal was made in certain quarters to the United States to send a commission to the Island in order to examine the returns of November first, in order to determine the result of the election. This the United States was unwilling to do, and the United States was also unwilling

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