alike filled by his friends and opponents in the late election. If the fact could be ascertained, I believe it would he found that there was a larger number of officers under the government attached than opposed to his late election.

it was known at Washington that he had reached Bogota, the place of his destination; and consequently before he could have possibly disobeyed any instruction or violated any duty.

The pecuniary effect of these changes is the certain exFurther in the case of Mr. Jefferson's election, it penditure, in outfits, of $18,000, and perhaps more than was the consequence of the people having determined on triple that sum in contingencies. Now it does seem to a radical change of system. There was a general belief me that (and I put it to your candid judgments whether) among the majority, who brought about that event, that this is too large a sum for the public to pay because two their opponents had violated the constitution in the en- gentlemen had made a mistake of the name which they actment of the alien and sedition laws; that they had com- should have written on a little bit of paper thrown into Mistake! They had in fact made no mitted other great abuses, and that some of them con- the ballot boxes. templated an entire change in the character of our gov-practical mistake. They had not voted at all, one being ernment, so as to give it a monarchical cast. I state the out of the United States, and the other out of his own historical fact, without intending to revive the discussion, State, at the time of the election. The money is thereor deeming necessary to examine whether such a de-fore to be paid because they made a mistake in the absign existed or not. But those who at that day did be- stract opinions which they held, and might possibly, if lieve it, could hardly be expected to acquiesce in the they had been at home, have erroneously inscribed one name instead of another on their ballots. possession by their opponents, the minority of the nation, of all the offices of a government to which some of There would be some consolation for this waste of pubthem were believed to be hostile in principle. The ob-lic treasure, if it were compensated by the superiority of ject of Mr. Jefferson was to break down a pre-existing qualification on the part of the late appointments in commonopoly in the hands of one party, and to establish an parison with the previous. But I know all four of the equilibrium between the two great parties. The object gentlemen perfectly weil, and my firm conviction is, that of president Jackson appears to be to destroy an exis- in neither change has the public gained any intellectual In one of them indeed, the victor of Tipfing equilibrium between the two parties to the late advantage. contest, and to establish a monopoly. The object of pacanoe and of Thames, of whose gallantry many who president Jefferson was the republic, and not himself. are now here were witnesses, is replaced by a gentleman That of president Jackson is himself, and not the state. who, if he possess one single attainment to quality him It never was advanced under Mr. Jeflerson's adminis- for the office, I solemnly declare it has escaped my distration, that devotion and attachment to him were an in-cernment. dispensable qualification, without which no one could There was another class of persons whose expulsion hold or be appointed to office. The contrast between from office was marked by peculiar hardship and injus the inaugural speech of that great man, and that of his tice. Citizens of the District of Columbia were deprived present successor, was remarkable in every respect. Mr. of all actu-1 participation in the elections of the United Jefferson's breathed a spirit of peace. It breathed a spir-States. They are debarred from voting for a president it of calm philosophy and dignified moderation. It treat- or any member of congress. Their sentiments, thereed the nation as one family. "We are all republicans, fore, in relation to any election of those officers are perall federalists." It contained no denunciations; no mys- fectly abstract. To punish them, as in numerous instanterious or ambiguous language; no reflections upon the ces has been done, by dismissing them from their emconduct of his great rival and immediate predecessor.ployments, not for what they did, but for what they What is the character of the inaugural speech of the present chief magistrate, I shall not attempt to sketch. Mr. Jefferson, upon the solemn occasion of his installation into office, laid down his rule for appointment to office-"Is he honest; is he capable; is he faithful to the constitution?" But capacity and integrity and fidelity, according to the modern rule, appear to count for nothing, without the all absorbing virtue of fidelity to president Jackson.

I will not consume the time of my friends and fellow citizens with observations upon many of the late changes. My object has been to point your attention to the principle which appears to have governed all of them, and to classes. I repeat, that I would not have touched this unpleasant topic, but that it seems to me to furnish much and just occasion for serious alarm. I hope that I have treated it in a manner becoming me, without incurring the displeasure of any one now present. I believe the times require all the caim heads and sound hearts of the country. And I would not intentionally say one word to excite the passions.

thought, is a cruel aggravation of their anomalous condi tion. I know well those who have been discharged from the department of state, and I take pleasure in bearing Some of them would have testimony to their merits.

Pub

But if

done honor to any bureau in any country.
We may worship God according to the dictates of cur
No man's right in that respect can be
own consciences.
called in question. The constitution secures it.
lic offices are happily, according to the theory of our
constitution, alike accessable to all, Protestants and
Catholics, and to every denomination of each.
our homage is not paid to a mortal, we are liable to a
punishment which an erroneous worship of God does not
Those public officers, it seems, who
bring upon us.
have failed to exhibit their devotion to that mortal, are
to be visited by all the punishment which he can inflict,
in virtue of laws, the execution of which was committed
to his hands for the public good, and not to subserve his
private purposes.

At the most important port of the United States the office of collector was filled by Mr. Thompson, whose reBut there are a few cases of recent removal of such moval was often urged upon the late administration by flagrant impropriety, as I sincerely think, that I cannot some of its friends, upon the ground of his alleged atforbear alluding to them. Under no administration prior tachment to gen. Jackson. But the late president was to the present, from the commencement of the govern-immoveable in his resolution to deprive no man of his ment, have our diplomatic representative been recalled office in consequence of his political opinions or preferfrom abroad, on account of the political opinions which ences. Mr. Thompson's removal was so often and st they entertained in regard to a previous presidential strongly pressed, for the reason just stated, that an inquielection. Within my recollection, at this time, there has ry was made of the secretary of the treasury into the been but one instance of recall of a foreign minister, unmanner in which the duties of the office were discharged. der the present constitution, on account of any dissa- The secretary stated that there was no better collector tisfaction with him. But president Washington did not in the public service; and that his returns and accounts recall colonel Monroe (the case referred to) from France, were regularly and neatly rendered: an all the duties of on his individual account, but because he was not satis- his office ably and honestly performed, as far as he knew fied with the manner in which he performed the duties or believed. This meritorious officer has been removed of the mission. President Jackson has ordered home to provide a place for Mr. Swartwout, whose association two of our foreign ministers, one filing the most import- with colonel Burr is notorious throughout the United ant European mission, and the other the most important States. I put it to the candor of all who are here, to say of our missions on this continent. In both cases the sole if such a change can be justified in the port of New York, ground of recall is, that they were opposed to his election the revenue collected at wluch amounts to about ten mi as president. And as if there should be no possible con- tions of dollars, more than one third of the whole retroversy on this head, one of them was recalled betorevenue of the United States.

I will detain the present assembly no longer upon sub- | cheered by them, and interchanging all the kind and jects connected with the general government. I hope Iriendly offices incident to private life. I wished to that I shall find, in the future course of the new admmis- them all; to shake hands cordially with them; to inquire tration, less cause for public disapprobation. I most anx-to the deaths, births, marriages, and other interesting iously hope that, when its measures comes to be develop-events among thein; to identify myself in fact as I am in ed, at the next and succeeding sessions of congress, they feeling with them, and with the generation which has shall be perceived to be such as are best adapted to pro- sprung up whilst I have been from home serving them. mote the prosperity of the country. I will say, with en-I wish to put my private affairs to rights, and if I can, tire sincerity, that I shall be most happy to see it sustain-with the blessing of Providence, to re-establish a shating the American System, including internal improve-tered constitution and enfeebled health. ments, and upholding the established policy of the gov ernment at home and abroad. And I shall ever be as legislature of the state. I should be proud of the se It has been proposed to me to offer for a seat in the ready to render praise where praise is due, as it is now lection if I believed that I could be useful at Frankfort. painful to me, under existing circumstances, to partici- I see, I think, very clearly the wants of Kentucky. Its pate in the disapprobation which recent occurrences have finances are out of order, but they could be easily put produced. No occasion can be more appropriate than the pre-ral assembly, and a small poruon of candor and good straight by a little moral courage on the part of the genesent, when surrounded by my former constituents, to will among the people. Above all, we want an efficient say a few words upon the unimportant subject of myself. Prior to muy return home I had stated, in answer to all No Kentuckian who travelled in or out of it could besy stem of internal improvements adopted by the state. inquiries whether I should be again presented as a can-hold the wretched condition of our roads, without the didate to represent my old district in the house of redeepest mortification. We are greatly in the rear of presentatives, that i should come to no absolute decision almost all the adjacent states, some of which sprung into until I had taken time for reflection, and to ascertam existence long after we were an established commonwhat might be the feelings and wishes of those who had wealth. so often honored me with their suffrages. The presen and nobly marching forward in the improvement of their Whilst they are obeying the spirit of the age, representative of the district has conducted himself to-respective territories, we are absolutely standing still, or wards me with the greatest liberality; and I take plea- rather going backwards. It is scarcely credible, but sure now in making my public acknowledgments, so just nevertheless true, that it took my tamily, in the month ly due to him. He had promptly declined being a can-of April, near four days to travel, through mud and mire, didate, ifI would off r, and he warmly urged me to offer. a distance of only sixty-four miles, over one of the most Since my return home, I have mixed freely as I could frequented roads in the state. with my friends and fellow citizens of the districtThey have met me with the greatest cordiality. Many And yet our wants, on this subject, are perfectly withof them have expressed a wish that I would agam re- in the compass of our means, judiciously applied. An present them. Some of the most prominent and re- artificial road from Maysville to the Tennessee line, one spectable of those who voted for the present chief magis- branch in the direction to Nashville, and a second to strike trate, have also expressed a similar wish. the mouth of Cumberland or Tennessee river; an artifiI have every reason to believe that there would be no opposition to cial road extending from Louisville to intersect the other me from any quarter or any party, if I were to offer. somewhere about the Bowling Green; one passing by But if I am not greatly deceived in the prevailing feeling Shelbyville and Frankfort to the Cumberland gap; and an throughout the district, it is one more delicate and re- artificial road extending trom Frankfort to the month of spectful towards me, and I appreciate it much higher than Big Sandy, compose all the leading roads which at preif it had been manifested in loud calls upon me to re-sent need the resources of the state. These might be turn to my old post. It referred the question to my own constructed, partly on the M'Adams' method, and partsober judgment. My former constituents were gene-ly by simply graduating and bridging them, which latter rally ready to acquiesce in any decision I might think mode can be performed at an expense less than $1000 proper to make. If I were to offer for congress they per mile. Other lateral, connecting these main roads were prepared to support me with their accustomed might be left to the public spirit of the local authorities zeal and true-hearteduess. I thank them all, from the and of private companies. very bottom of my heart, whether they agreed or differed with me in the late contest, tor this generous confidence.

Congress, without doubt, would aid the state, if we did not call upon Hercules without putting our shoulders to the wheel. But without that and we could ourI have deliberated much on the question. My friends selves accomplish all the works which I have described. in other parts of the union are divided in opinion about It would not be practicable to complete them in a period the utility of any services which I could render, at the of less than seven or eight years, and of course not nepresent period, in the national legislature. This state of cessary to raise the whole sum requisite to the object in things, at home and abroad, let me free to follow the one year. Funds drawn from executed parts of the sysimpulse of my own feelings and the dictate of my own tem might be applied to the completion of those that rejudgment. These prompted me to remain in private mained. This auxiliary source, combined with the amlife. In coming to this resolation, I did not mean to im-ple means of the state, properly developed, and faithfulpair the force of the obligation under which every citizen,ly appropriated, would enable us to construct all the in my opinion, stood, to the last flickering of human roads which I have sketch'd, without burthening the peolife, to dedicate his best exertions to the service of the ple. republic. I am ready to act in conformity with that obligation whenever it shall be the pleasure of the people, and such a probability of usefulness shall exist as will justify my acceptance of any service which they may choose to designate.

My

But, solicituous as I feel on this interesting subject, I regret that I have not yet seen sufficient demonstrations of the public will to assure me that the judginent of the people had carried them to the same or similar conclusions to which my mind has conducted me. We have I have served my country now near thirty years. been, for years past, unhappily greatly distracted and diconstitution, never very vigorous, requires repose. Myvided. These dissensions have drawn us off from a view health, always of late years very delicate, demands care. of greater to less important concerns. They have excitMy private affairs want my attention. Upon my returned bitter feelings and animosities, and created strong home, I found my house out of repair; my farm not in prejudices and jealousies. I tear that from these causes order, the fences down, the stock poor, the crop not set, the public is not yet prepared dispassionately to consider and late in April the corn stalks of the year's growth and to adopt a comprehensive, I think the only practical yet standing in the ficid, a sure sign of slovenly cultiva-system of internal improvements, in this state. A pretion.

mature effort might retard instead of accelerating the object. And I must add that I tear extraneous causes would bias and influence the judgment of the legisla ture.

Under all circumstances, I think that, without being liable to the reproach of dereliction of any public duty to my country or to my friends, I may continue at home for a season, if not during the remiamder of my life, Upon the whole, I must decline acceding to the wishamong my friends and old constaments, cheering andles of those who desired to see me in the legislature, Re

tirement, unqualified retirement, from all public employment, is what I unaffectedly desire. I would hereafter, if my life and health are preserved, be ready at all times to act on the principles which I have avowed; and whenever, at a more auspicious period, their shall appear to be a probability of my usefulness to the union or to the state, I will promptly obey any call which the peo-a double vote to the fourth part of the voters, who pay ple may be pleased to make.

mark I make, in order to tranquilize the last speaker, who seems to fear the breaking forth of popular feelings against the higher ranks. By the charter, the right of voting has been attached to the payment of three hundred francs of direct taxes; and it does not seem to me lawful to violate this regulation by giving the privilege of the highest rate of taxes! Let us recall, gentlemen, And now, my friends and fellow citizens, I cannot what passed in this very hall not long ago. One of your part from you, on possibly this last occasion of my ever committees had reported favorably on the proposition to publicly addressing you, without reiterating the express- lower the age of eligibility to this house; that is, to do ion of my thanks from a heart overflowing with gratitude. what the author of the charter did, when at the second I came among you, now more than thirty years ago, an restoration, he wished, as he said, to repair the errors orphan boy, penny less, stranger to you all, without friends of the first.-Yet then, gentlemen, such was your ardent without the favor of the great. You took me up, cher- and scrupulous attachment to the charter, that I beheld ished me, caressed me, protected me, honored me.-nearly the whole of my colleagues rising with earnestYou have constantly poured upon me a bold and unabat-ness in support of the order of the day; thereby declared stream of innumerable favors. Time, which wears ing, that those essential qualities of a legislator, intelliout every thing, has increased and strengthened your af-gence and energy, were only to be found at a mean age fection for me. When I seem deserted by almost the of 57 to 58 years. Yet, then the question was as to rewhole world, and assailed by almost every tongue and storing many citizens to the exercise of a natural, and, pen and press, you have fearlessly and manfully stood consequently, an imprescriptible right; while on the by me, with unsurpassed zeal and undiminished friend-question of the double vote, the result was to vitiate and ship. When I felt as if I should sink beneath the storm fraudulently impair the exercise of a right duly acquir of abuse and detraction, which was violently raging ed, openly enjoyed, and solemnly recognized by the around me, I have found myself upheld and sustained by charter. your encouraging voices and your approving smiles. I How was this anomaly of the double vote introduced, have doubtless committed many faults and indiscretions, and by what arguments? You know, gentlemen, that a over which you have thrown the broad mantle of your deplorable catastrophe had united all parties in the sencharity. But I can say, and in the presence of my God timent of a common griet, when it entered into the minds and of this assembled multitude I will say, that I have hon-of certain people to turn this misfortune, this isolated estly and faithfully served my country; that I have never crime, to the profit of aristocracy and the spirit of domiwronged it; and that, however unprepared I lament that nation. I would not refer to the intrigues, the violence, I am to appear in the divine presence on other accounts, and to use the expression of the honorable speaker, who I invoke the stern justice of his judgment on my public preceded me, the scandal of that sad legislative epoch, if conduct, without the smallest apprehension of his dis- he had not himselfreferred to it. I will not inquire how pleasure. it was that the proposition of the double vote obtained Mr. Clay concluded by proposing the following toast: a majority of some few votes. I will only refer to some The state of Kentucky-A cordial union of all par- of the arguments which may be supposed to have weight ties in favor of an efficient system of internal improve-with the house, since they have recently been repeated ments adapted to the wants of the state.

SPEECH OF LAFAYETTE.

From the N. Y. American.

here. We must, it is said, go to the assistance of large property-that is to say, to the assistance of those who are already the strongest, because it is most interested in sound legislation. In the first place, gentlemen; I deny We present to our readers to-day a translation of a the fact-it is, on the contrary, in the inverse proportion speech of our Lafayette, which we think quite remarka- of its extent, that property has an interest in good govble for the vigor and conciseness of its argument, anderment. Undoubtedly the owner of one hundred thouthe felicity of its vindication of the constituent assembly sand francs of revenue, when reduced to fitty thousand which did, unquestionably, achieve the revolution, and franes, is less an object of consideration than he who is was not responsible for the ferocity of its successors. It reduced from one thousand francs to five hundred-and is the more remarkable as having been made unexpected-still less than the yet smaller proprietors, whom unwise ly, and without preparation. laws may reduce to the condition of more dependants. — The subsequent scene shews how inflammable are still, I say nothing neither here of the property of our persons the smouldering embers of the revolution:

Chamber of deputies-6th June.

A petitioner asks the repeal of the law authorizing the double vote. It is proposed to file the petition-much interest appears to be excited in the assembly, when a motion being made to pass over this petition and proceed to the order of the day

General Lafayette rose to speak; the most entire silence reigned in the hall, and many members came in from the committee rooms.

-though there is no one, I imagine, so humble as not to value that at something above zero (laughter.) But how is this made a question of property, when already to be a deputy one must pay one thousands francs, and to be an elector five hundred francs of direct taxes-a sum beyond the mean of property in France? It is in behalf of privilege, that this new privilege is created. It is for the benefit of certain opmions of a party, and perhaps with ulterior views-so much so, that we may perceive a leaning, and if I may so express my self, an odour of this Gentlemen, said the orator, I am opposed to passing double vote (laughter) in all that has since been propoto the order of the day, and although it has been some sed; and especially in the two laws concerning the detimes said from this place, that it is unbecoming to speak partmental and municipal councils, which were withill of laws, of which the modification is nevertheless de drawn the moment the amendments of your committee manded; I think myself the rather authorized to give created an apprehension that these would render them reasons for my opinion as to this double vote, by the less conformable to the spirit of the double vote. (Apfact, that in order to carry the law establishing it, it was plause on the left.) There was much clamor then, as found necessary, not only to censure the then existing now, and I perceive these clamors have made an imlaw of elections, but the charter itself, which makes no pression on the last speaker; there was much clamor distinction among electors. If, gentlemen, my opinion then about democracy, republican notions, and the sovwere asked, it would be that all who pay taxes ought, by ereignty of the people. Ah gentlemen, believe on these themselves or their representatives, to have a voice in the subjects the assurances of a colleague, whom the habits imposition of public charges; and that the only exception of more than half a century, and his personal opinions of this rule should be, when there was a manifest and have much faliarized with this train of thinking and clear want of independence, or understanding. But here these theories-there is not a word of all that in the we are in the circle traced by the charter; and already, charter, nor in any thing that has been proposed under of one hundred Frenchmen of competent age, ninety its auspices; is it not rather to be surmised, that the enare excluded from the right of voting. Moreover, the cmies of all liberty had cherished hopes that the majorihouse of deputies, of which alone the members are y of the one hundred thousand chief proprietors of elective, is only one third of the legislative power-a re-France would become indifferent to that liberty, and to

1

the institutions which guarantee it; but that on discover- with perfect fluency and dignity. It was, throughout, ing their error, and before the third series of deputies listened to by the whole chamber with interest and calmwere elected, they seized the first pretext to find in theness. The greater part of the left rose and advanced one-tourth most highly taxed, what they could not obtain towards their venerable colleague, as he descended from from the whole body of the electors. [Very marked the tribune, shook hands with him, and accompanied him sensation. An opinion has been expressed, which, if I to his place. There were several other deputies went did not misunderstand him, the last speaker has reitera- to congratulate him. We particularly remarked Messrs. ted. The charter, it is said, has indeed designated those Lafitte, gen. Thiard, gen. Gerard, Eusbe de Salverte, and who cannot be electors; but those whose capability it has several others. M. Chauvelin, applauding exclaimedadmitted, may become what they please, what others may It is admirable; it is perfect. The whole right remained please, and the charter has nothing to do with it. This silent and motionless. would indeed, gentlemen, be a fine part for the charter M. Donatien de Sesmaisons made a short reply, when to play, in our electoral system-an instrument of pro-the question was taken, and the motion of gen. Lafayette, scription for those whom it excludes, it is not to be an was carried-the decision was received with marked arm of protection for those whom it admits. Gentlemen, satisfaction and animated congratulation. it is already a great step for a constitution, resulting from In a subsequent stage of the same sitting, a petition the deliberations of the whole nation, or for a charter, being under consideration for a law rendering the mayors sprung from the royal will-it is already, I repeat, a great elective-which it was contended by the minister of the step, to restrain within certain limits, the exercise of nat-interior was aiming a blow at the charter, one of the depural and social rights: but when these limits have once uties made the following allusion to a part of gen. Labeen established, is it possible that any authorities owing fayette's speech: their existence to such a constitution or charter, may at We should pass over these petitions, the sole object of their pleasure still further restrict those limits, establish which is to produce scandal. If we had done so, we should for example among the electors, categories, grades of not have been exposed to hear maxims reiterated that elections, and privileges? That would indeed, be, to we all reject-we should not have been exposed to hear use an expression of the honorable member who preced-this day the eulogy of the constituent assembly. (Suded me, an overthrow of social order-that would, in- den explosion on the left. A multitude of voices exclaimdeed, be following what might be called senseless theo-ing, we take part in that eulogy.") M. de Montbel reries-an expression, of which the minister of the interior suming-Doubtless there were in that assembly great vas good enough to give us his interpretation, in apply talents, and perhaps excellent intentions; but its exagge ing it to the constituent assembly; that is to say, gentle-rations and imprudence precipitated to the scaffold (a men, to those theories which proclaimed so many truths,fresh burst of exclamations from the left, which overpow re-established so many rights, abolished so many prejudi-ered the voice of the speaker.) Many members-order, ces, abuses, and barbarisms; to those theories of which order, it is an indignity. On the right-bravo, bravothe remnant, after surviving the three great vicissitudes it is the truth. In the midst of this tumultuous agitation of jacobinism, the empire, and the restoration, yet prevail, M. de Montbel suddenly left the tribune without finishand render indispensable all that there is in your chartering his phrase. and your laws, of civil, religious and political liberty.— M. Victor de Tracy. I hardly expect in ascending [From the left very well.] There is no difficulty, gen- this tribune, to have the duty so great at once, and so tlemen, in abolishing this regulation of the double vote. difficult, as compared with my powers, of endeavouring Let us recall the amendment of our late excellent and to defend the constituent assembly. The last speaker much regretted colleague-Camille Jordan-which con-has said-(on the right-opinions are free.)-M. de sisted in breaking up the old departmental colleges, into Tracy. I am told opinions are free-certainly, and I am colleges according to the administrative arrondissements the last person who would ever seek to abridge this -a division more suitable to the country and convenient freedom-but since opinions are free, mine are free to the electors than the present one. A very easy calcu-too; (on the left-very well;) and I may express my lation would obtain in this way the same number of dep-respect, my profound veneration for the sublime la uties that now sit here: and who would oppose it? The bors of the constituent assembly, which was much nation? But in our social edifices, based upon its sum. a stranger to the excesses which are imputed to it, as the mit-when some fraction of power escapes thence, of nobie opinions you have this day heard from this tribune which the aristocracy immediately possesses itself-is it are above censure.(Violent clamors on the right, and not for the interest of the nation, that this aristocracy interruption.) On the left. It is so-it is truth-history should be brought nearer to the people? Besides, the and your cries cannot stifle it. (General agitation) national opinion on the subject of the double vote, is well Voices on the left. The constituent assembly overthrew, known. Would the electors? Already to three-fourths and for ever, the ancient regime. Other voice. Yes, of them the double vote is not only an injustice, but an and that is its crime, in the eyes of these gentlemen. On fnsult; and in the other fourth you see, it has decided op- the right. Order, order. ponents. Would the house of legislature? The house of peers, hereditary legislators, hereditary judges, satisfied with their privileges, have neither interest nor wish to create elsewhere more anomalies. As to the deputies, gentlemen, already it is required of us to pay one thousand francs of taxes, and to have reached the age of forty; and ninety-nine hundredths of all Frenchinen of age, are excluded. Must we still further exTHE GREEK NATION. clude three-fourths of that hundredth? Gentleinen, if Protocol of the conference held in London at the office any of my colleagues could have such a wish, I would (. of foreign affaire, on the 22d of March, 1829. say to him, that he does not do justice either to his own Present the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, France merit, or to the worth of his fellow citizens. Finally, and Russia. would the government? Here, gentlemen, is my last Immediately after their arrival the plenipotentiaries and one of my strongest arguments. In our actual situa-of France and England will open with the government tion, both at home and abroad, it concerns the king's of the Ottoman porie, and in the name of the three allied government to show, that there exists no sort of distrust courts a negociation founded on the treaty of the 6th of between the people and the throne. And what better July, 1827, respecting the pacification and future organiway is there of proving this, than to abolish an order of zation of Greece. It is well understood that each of things which might lead to the belief, that entire and full the three courts reserves for itself the right of weighconfidence was only felt in twenty thousand privilegeding the value of the objections which the porte may electors, out of a population of thirty two million souls. (Profound sensation.) From these considerations it is, that I vote against passing to the orders of the day, and for the course proposed by the committee.

The most lively manifestation of approbation welcomed this speech, delivered extempore by general Lafayette,

The president with decision, and turning to the right side, Gentlemen let the speaker go on; what may be blamed, may be praised; what is praised, may be blamed. Opinion here is a matter of right. (On the left, very well; on the right, fresh murmers.) Silence was re-established, and the debate went on smoothly.

make to the propositions addressed to it in fulfilment of the present protocol; and that, should those objections induce the courts to present other propositions, they would yet endeavor to come to a determination on the question of fixing, as promptly as possible, the limits of the continent and the isles of Greece.

As soon as the preceding dispositions shall have been Both these classes of Mussulmen, whose claims shall agreed to by the porte, their execution shall be placed, have been recognized as valid, shall be bound to pro- of July, under the guarantee of the three powers by conformably with the sixth article of the treaty of the 6th ceed themselves to the sale of their property, within the whom the treaty was signed, and the rest will become the space of a year, with a proper reserve for the amount of the debts secured upon those estates. If within that object of ampler stipulations between the three allied time sales cannot be effected, commissaries shall be ap-courts, as declared in the precited article. pointed to estimate the value of the unsold lands; and when once that value shall have been ascertained and fixed, the Greek government shall give to the proprie tors or heirs, whose claims and rights shall have been established, bills upon the state, payable at periods agreed