cilien-Geschichte' (Freiburg 1851-73); Hergenröther, 'Monumenta Græca ad Photium pertinentia (Regensburg 1869); id., Photius, Patriarch von Constantinopel, sein Leben und seine Schriften) (3 vols., ib. 1867-69); Horton, 'Students' History of the Greek Church' (New York 1902); Howard, "The Schism Between the Oriental and Western Churches' (London 1892); Malitzkii, P., 'Handbook of the History of the Russian Church' (Petrograd 1898, 1902); Neale, 'History of the Holy Eastern Church) (5 vols., London 1850-73); Pierling's Works on the Relations Between the Tsar and the Popes; Palmieri, A., 'La chiesa russa' (Florence 1908); Röhan, 'L'Eglise orthodoxe gréco-russe (Brussels 1897); Schaff, 'Creeds of Christendom) (4th ed., New York 1905); Silbernagel, Verfassung und gegenwärtiger Bestand sämmtlicher Kirchen des Orients) (Landshut 1865); Dean Stanley, 'History of the Eastern Church) (London 1861); Tozer, The Church and the Eastern Empire' (London 1888). A. PALMIERI, Washington, D. C.

11. GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL PARTIES. Many and varied are the definitions given of Russia's form of government. The difficulty of properly defining or characterizing it is due, in large measure, to its changing and changeable nature - not only since the Great Revolution, but even before that event. If one were to treat the subject historically and adequately, at least five separate stages should be noted in the evolution of the Russian administrative machine. There was, first, the pre-Mongolian free tribal government, which was decidedly democratic; then came the long period of Eastern despotism introduced by Russia's Mongolian conquerors, which destroyed every element of self-government already attained; next followed another long period, ushered in by Peter the Great, during which Oriental absolutism was considerably tempered by Occidental democracy; then, again, the revolutionary demonstrations of 1905-06 brought a short period of quasi-constitutional government in which much real progress toward democratic institutions was made; and, finally, the two revolutions of 1917, the short-lived one of March and its more vigorous successor of October inaugurated many startling experiments in class government, with seemingly disastrous results upon the Russian body politic.

Limitations of space preclude any such extended treatment of this interesting subject. For present purposes, therefore, we shall adopt a simpler, if less scientific, scheme. Generally speaking, Russia was an absolute monarchy up to 1905, a limited monarchy from 1905 to 1917, a provisional democracy for some eight months thereafter and a proletarian dictatorship since the Bolshevik coup d'état. Considering the last two forms of government as but different phases of the transitional period, we may continue this brief study of Russia's government under three heads: (1) As it was under absolutism prior to the so-called revolution of 190506; (2) as it became during the quasi-constitutional period of 1905-17; and (3) as it has been in the present period of transition.

Under Absolutism (to 1905). The government machine of imperial Russia was cumbersome, complex and very inefficient-cumber

41

some because too centralized, complex because insufficiently specialized, and inefficient because irresponsible. Not only did the regular administrative functions (legislative, executive, judiciary) overlap, as we shall see presently, but no consistent demarcation existed between national, state, and local government. For these and other reasons Russia's political institutions lagged centuries behind the times and were long the laughing stock of the civilized world. In imperial days, however, absolutism, with all its concomitants, was considered necessary for holding in line the numerous and diverse racial, social, and religious elements that composed the colossal Russian Empire.

an

era

The supreme authority in autocratic Russia was the tsar (from the Latin "Cæsar"), absolute hereditary monarch, part of whose title was "Tsar of All the Russias." In him were vested all legislative, executive, and judicial powers, which, until the constitutional above referred to, were exercised without let or hindrance from any legal source. There were, however, three departments of state, composed of functionaries appointed by the tsar, and one special department- the Holy Synod-which helped the monarch to administer his vast empire.

The oldest of these was the Senate, created by Peter the Great in 1711 and reorganized by Alexander I in 1802. Its members were all appointed by the tsar and held the rank of Privy Councillors. Being the highest judicial institution of the empire, the Senate (a) heard appeals in civil and criminal cases, (b) passed on the legality of new legislation and (c) held disciplinary court for officials from the various branches of government. For purposes of expedition, this large body of state was divided into six separate departments, two of them acting as courts of appeal, two exercising administrative jurisdiction, and the rest supervising the collection of taxes, the appointment of government officers, the preservation of the archives, etc.

Another important body concerned with imperial administration was the Imperial Council, which exercised only advisory legislative authority in pre-constitutional times and consisted of 196 members, half the number (including the president and the vice-president) appointed by the tsar and half elected for nine years. As its . function was greatly modified by law in 1905, we shall refer to this legislative branch later.

The Council of Ministers, composed of the 12 ministers of state, appointed and removable by the tsar, was a third great organ of imperial administration. Representing all the various ministries the ministries of Foreign Affairs, Finance, War, Navy, Justice, Education, Commerce and Industry, Ways of Communication, Internal Affairs, Agriculture, Imperial Court and Government Control - the Council of Ministers, or the Cabinet Council, was by far the most important executive institution in monarchial Russia.

For administrative purposes Russia was divided into governments (guberni), provinces (oblasti) and territories (okrugi). If there were such a thing as state rights in imperial Russia, the governments might be said correspond to the American States. The resemblance is closer, however, in the case of the territorial divisions. Before the World War,

to

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if not at the time the last tsar was deposed, Russia had 98 governments, 21 provinces and two territories. The governments, varying in size and population, were themselves divided into districts (úyezdi), which, in turn, were subdivided into still smaller administrative units called counties (utchástki); All these divisions and subdivisions run into the thousands, and were not sufficiently graded or standardized. The governments were the more central and more populated sections of the empire, most of them lying within European Russia; while the provinces, all but one of which lay in the remoter parts of the country (Siberia, Caucasia and central Asia), were inhabited by the less civilized and more nomadic elements. Every government or province had a governor (qubernator) as chief administrative officer, who, in the case of the provinces, was generally also the chief military commander. The duties and powers of the Russian governor under the monarchial régime included regulations for safeguarding public order, control over all the administrative offices, supervision of all government officials and general oversight over all local government institutions, such as the Zemstvos, etc. In the exercise of these various functions the governor would have the assistance of a board of administration, over which he presided.

as

Such semblance of self-government monarchial Russia enjoyed was represented by the Zemstvo (q.v.), a territorial assembly which received its official status in 1864, but which has had its powers and functions modified several times since. This elective body has had - and to some extent still has charge of the provincial administration, which began with the village council (Mir), the lowest and earliest form of communal self-government in Russia and not unlike the New England town meeting; gathered authority in the canton (Vólost), representing a number of villages, sometimes as many as 30; and culminated in the provincial Zemstvo, a combined organization of all the district Zemstvos. Both assemblies elected a standing executive committee (Zémskaya Upráva) consisting of four or five paid officials, which carried on the work of provincial govfrom the construction of public roads, the prevention of cattle disease and the maintenance of primary schools, to the administration of charity, the development of trade and agriculture, the improvement of sanitary conditions and the promotion of mutual insurance and other co-operative enterprises. District Zemstvos consisted of from 60 to 65 members and met annually-oftener if necessary and the governor permitted. The latter, too, exercised the power of veto over such Zemstvos resolutions as incurred his (or his superiors') displeasure.

ernment

The Municipal Dumas were town councils presided over by a mayor (golová) and constituted of a few elected officials, who exercised general supervision of municipal affairs. Since 1870 these dumas copied the administrative organization and methods of the Zemstvos, but their powers were considerably reduced in 1894.

Under the Quasi-constitution (1905-17).The tsar's manifesto of 1905 and the famous "Fundamental Laws" which followed it suddenly changed Russia's form of government theoretically and practically. The autocratic

authority of the tsar became more limited through the introduction of a new representative assembly (The Imperial Duma) and the extension of the powers of an old one (The Imperial Council). The emperor still retained his former executive powers, but in the field of legislation he was henceforth to reckon with the two assemblies just mentioned, which became Russia's legislative institutions. The new principle of government thus introduced transformed Russia from an unlimited to a limited monarchy and fairly started her on her way toward representative, constitutional govern

ment.

The two legislative assemblies created in 1905-06 suggested, but did not quite resemble, the bicameral parliamentary institutions of Western countries. The Imperial Council, changed by law from an advisory to a legislative body, was the Upper House; the Duma (q.v.), the Lower. Both houses could initiate legislation, vote on the government budget and make certain recommendations and interpellations; but the Duma was debarred from exercising its authority in matters pertaining to the imperial family and the war and naval departments (including their respective courts). Moreover, the Upper House could throw out any bills or legislation passed by the Duma, while all legislation must receive the sanction of the Senate, the juridical institution retained from absolutist days, and be approved by the tsar before becoming law. Finally, while no legislation could be enacted without the Duma and the Imperial Council, yet the tsar retained and frequently exercised - the right of issuing certain proclamations (ukázy) and of authorizing sundry emergency expenditures, especially in case of war, and more especially when the Duma, which he could dissolve at will, was not in session.

Apart from the legislative control left to the tsar by the so-called Constitution, he retained supreme authority in nearly all executive and judicial matters. He still had the sole power to appoint and dismiss all his ministers, to direct foreign affairs, proclaim martial law, command the military and naval forces, and to do many other things too numerous to mention. In addition to his old powers, the "Fundamental Laws" gave the tsar the right to convene, adjourn, and prorogue both houses of the newly established "Parliament," to dismiss the members elect of the Upper House, to veto any legislation passed by both houses, and to confirm or set aside verdicts of the criminal courts.

With all that, the government of imperial Russia under the charter loosely called "a constitution was surely, if slowly, assuming democratic form. The creation of the Duma gave Russia her first experience with responsible, representative government, an experience which meant much for her political education and emancipation.

In the Period of Transition (1917- ).— The Great Revolution of 1917, the revolution which dethroned the last tsar and ended monarchial rule in Russia, left the administrative government temporarily in the hands of a revolutionary committee appointed by the_last Duma and presided over by its president, Rodzianko. Soon this committee, which was the sole

constitutional authority at the time, organized

a

coalition cabinet. The new government, which modestly called itself "provisional," was fairly representative of the leading parties composing the last Duma and the elements that hastened the Revolution. It was headed by Prince Lvov, a liberal Octobrist, elected to the premiership conjointly by the Duma and the labor elements (subsequently succeeded by the famous Kerensky), and included such other popular leaders as Paul Milyukov, Constitutional Democrat; Tereshtchenko, a many-sided liberal of truest color; and the above-mentioned Kerensky, a revolutionary Socialist representing the workmen and soldiers, who soon dominated the whole Provisional Government. Under stress of factional criticism, the coalition ministry was repeatedly reformed, becoming every time more and more representative. Five new departments were created to cope with the exigencies of war and peace - departments of Labor, Public Relief, Food Supplies, Posts and Telegraphs, and a department for the Affairs of the Constituent Assembly.

The new government at once declared itself in favor of immediate and numerous radical reforms along every line (including such matters as social, religious and racial equality, and universal suffrage). But the execution of its ambitious program, difficult enough in itself, was rendered well-nigh impossible by the everincreasing interference with the affairs of government on the part of an emergency organization called into being during the Revolution and known as "the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies." Such were the power and popularity of this council that its wishes and they commonly took the form of mandates could not well be ignored. From the very first, the provisional government had to reckon with this new influential factor in Russian politics, and such constant reckoning inevitably clogged the wheels of government machinery. Hence the Kerensky government spent most of its short career in finding its bearings and in trying to reconcile the various discordant factions, which lacked both the temper and the tradition of democratic citizenship.

But, little as the first revolutionary government actually accomplished, it gave Russia her first taste of real Democracy, which she is never likely to forget. The spirit, the machinery of administration and the reforms proposed were thoroughly democratic. Seemingly, time and administrative experience were all that was needed for the completion of the colossal task of Russian democratization, but these were denied by the Bolshevik coup d'état that soon followed.

Ostensibly, the Bolshevik government was placed in the hands of the Council of Workmen's, Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, the popular organization already alluded to but somewhat enlarged to appease the peasant element. This mixed organization, called in Russian simply the Soviet, has numerous branches and acts through innumerable agents styled "People's Kommissars" (a term borrowed from the French revolutionists), backed by the force of well-armed soldiers called Red Guards. All these executive officers are supposedly carrying out the will of The Central Executive Committee of the Federal Soviets, which is a longer name for the Bolshevik government.

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The

The central figures and guiding spirits of the "Soviet Republic,» as the Bolshevik rulers themselves style their form of government, have been and still are Nikolai Lenine, Premier, and Leon Trotzky, Minister of War and formerly Minister of Foreign Affairs. rest of the cabinet has been changed frequently, but probably still includes Tchitcherin "People's Commissioner» for Foreign Affairs, Lunacharsky as "People's Commissioner» for Public Instruction, and a few others fairly well known for their revolutionary sympathies.

as

The rule of a single class, the proletariat, is the ideal of this ultra-revolutionary government, which has been aptly characterized as a "Proletarian Dictatorship." If the first transitional government may be said to have been a "Democracy in the Making," then, surely, the second is a democracy in the unmaking.

Political Parties.- Russia had no political parties in the Western sense before the constitutional era, which is quite natural in view of the notorious want of free political discussion in that country in strictly monarchial times. Such organizations as existed in absolutist Russia were secret debating societies advocating and frequently indulging in terrorism, with revolution as their battle-cry. With the convocation of the first Duma, however — or, rather, with the promulgation of "The Fundamental Laws of 1905» granting the right of free political discussion - regular political parties became for the first time possible in Russia, and the vital factor of political struggle commenced to stir that country's otherwise sluggish life.

Historically the first political party to come into prominence in Russia was that of the "Octobrists," a conservative organization which received its name from the unbounded enthusiasm with which it hailed the famous Manifesto of 30 Oct. 1905. It was this party organized by Milyutin and Shipov, that dominated the Third Duma (1907–12).

A more liberal and more important political party was that of The Constitutional Democrats, formed, also under the influence of the manifesto above mentioned, by radical and independent elements and led by Paul Milyukov, a statesman of international fame. Its membership has included many of the most prominent leaders of Russian thought, and it was the first to frame a definite political program. This party, nicknamed from its initials (K. D.) the "Kadets has long dominated Russian politics, being both well organized and well directed. It had its own newspaper, Ryatch, which was so well edited (by Milyukov) that it soon became one of the leading Russian dailies.

The most radical and aggressive political parties in Russia and the only ones except the party of Constitutional Democrats to have survived the first Revolutionare, naturally, the various Socialist organizations. There was The Group of Toil, a Socialist labor party represented in the Duma by Alexander Kerensky himself; the Party of Democratic Reform, which was mildly socialistic; the Party of Peaceful Revolution, which believed in Parliamentary reform; the Peasants' Union which stood for the nationalization of land; and numerous other more or less radical parties.

The principal parties advocating revolu

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tionary socialism do not properly concern us here, since they are not political parties in the accepted sense of the term. Owing to the current prominence, however, of some of these, mention might be made of the Social Revolutionists, a Marxist organization led by Chernov; the Social Democratic party, which in 1903 branched out into the Bolshevik (Maximalist) and the Menshevik (Minimalist) wings. The bitter struggle between these two factions cannot be entered into here (see RUSSIA HISTORY), except to say that the former, the extremist wing represented by the present ruling régime in the greater part of Russia, aspires to eliminate entirely every class but the proletariat, while the latter, the more moderate wing, seeks only to place the laborer on a political and economic level with all other classes of society. There are of course other essential differences in both principles and policies, but this single instance I will serve as an illustration.

DAVID A. MODELL,

Specialist in Russian Subjects. 12. RUSSIAN INDUSTRY. Introductory. The total national wealth of the Russian Empire, including Poland and Finland, in 1914, was estimated at about $60,000,000,000, and the total population may be estimated at about 160,000,000, the average wealth thus being about $375 per capita whereas in the United States the per capita wealth is about $2,200. The national income was estimated at $7,500,000,000 of which_agriculture furnished about $4,900,000,000. These figures are a striking illustration of the low stage of Russia's economic development. Though occupying nearly one-sixth of the total land area of the earth, Russia, owing to her geographical situation, as well as to unfavorable historical conditions, has been very backward, economically and industrially.

The transportation system of a country may be taken as the best index of its industrial development. The total length of all the inland waters of Russia reaches about 200,000 miles, yet the length of all Russian canals and improved rivers totals only 1,100 miles, of which the canals represent about 550 miles. The total length of Russian railroads is 46,600 miles, i.e., 0.28 mile per 1,000 inhabitants. In the United States the respective figures are 261,000, and 2.66 miles. Tsarism had a very unfavorable influence upon the development of civilization in Russia, generally, and particularly upon its economic development. Innumerable legal restrictions prevented the development of initiative and enterprise. In Russia in 1913 the total number of joint-stock companies was less than 2,000 and their total capital stock amounted to less than $2,000,000,000. The total number of wage-earners employed in factories and mines was about 3,500,000. The total amount of horse power used in manufacturing industries of Russia in 1914 was 2,500,000, as against 22,500,000 in the United States. The total foreign capital invested in Russia before the amounted to about $4,300,000,000. The largest investors were the French. French capital was invested in government and municipal bonds, and in coal and metallurgical enterprises in South Russia (the Donetz Basin). Next to the French came Belgian capital, invested in street railways, electric plants, coal mines and metal

war

lurgical mills. British capital was invested mostly in oil and gold mining, and played a less important rôle in the development of Russian industry than French and Belgian capital.

It must be noted, in this connection, that the government itself was the largest industrial 06tablishment. It owned metallurgical mills, the greatest part of the railroad mileage, the greatest land area and was the largest purchaser of the products of the Russian mining and metallurgical industry. The imperialistic policy of the government determined the direction of Russian railway construction, and of the whole Russian industry.

Russia's share in the world's trade amounted in 1911-13 to 3.6 per cent. Her exports for 1909-13 averaged 1,501,400,000 roubles annually. Her imports for the same years averaged 1,136,900,000 roubles. During the last decade preceding the World War the total of Russian foreign trade was gradually increasing, but the imports were increasing faster than the exports. This was due to the fact that during the years preceding the war Russia was going through a period of intensive industrial development which caused a substantial increase in the imports of machinery.

I. Agriculture and Forestry. 1. Agriculture. The part played by agriculture in Russia's economics appears from the following figures: in 1910 the total value of the agricultural products of Russia was about 9,500,000,000 roubles in gold (1 rouble in gold=512 cents); the total value of manufactured products, 4,900,000,000 roubles. Thus, in 1910, agriculture furnished two-thirds of Russia's total national income. According to the census of 1897, 70 per cent of the population of the Russian Empire were supported wholly or partly by agriculture.

Only about one-twentieth of Russia's territory is under cultivation. This proportion varies considerably throughout the vast area of the empire, viz.: Russia in Europe, 17.5 per cent; the Caucasus, 20.3 per cent; western Siberia, 1 per cent; eastern Siberia, 0.1 per cent; the Steppe region (of central Asia), 1.3 per cent; Turkestan, 1.9 per cent. The total area of the principal crops in 1910-12 is shown in the following table:

The average yield is very low, owing to lack of fertilizers. Artificial fertilizers are almost unknown in Russia. The annual yield of wheat averaged in Russia in 1907-13 10.0 bushels per acre, whereas in the United States it averaged 14.4 bushels, in Canada 19.2 bushels. Modern improved agricultural machinery is scarcely used, yet despite these handicaps Russia contributed a large share to the world's production of grains. During the years 190712 Russia produced 48.1 per cent of the world's supply of rye; 31.6 per cent of the total supply of barley; 24.3 per cent of the supply of oats; and 19.0 per cent of the supply of wheat. The export of grains played the most important