citation to its friends, that all their anticipations of its be- | The extent and importance of some of these artizans nefits have been fulfilled, or are in progress of fulfilment. The honorable gentleman from South Carolina has made an allusion to a speech made by me, in 1824, in the other house, in support of the tariff, and to which, otherwise, I should not have particularly referred. But I would ask any one, who could now command the courage to peruse that long production, what principle there laid down is not true? what prediction then made has been falsified by practical experience?

may be estimated by a few particulars. The tanners, curriers, boot and shoe-makers, and other workers in hides, skins and leather, produce an ultimate value per annum of forty millions of dollars; the manufacturers of hats and caps produce an annual value of fifteen millions; the cabinet-makers, twelve millions; the manufac turers of bonnets and hats for the female sex, lace, artificial flowers, combs, &c. seven millions; and the manu facturers of glass, five millions.

It is now proposed to abolish the system, to which we It extends to all lower Louisiana, the Delta of which owe so much of the public prosperity, and it is urged might as well be submerged again in the Gulf of Mexico, that the arrival of the period of the redemption of the from which it has been a gradual conquest, as now to be public debt has been confidently looked to as presenting deprived of the protecting duty upon its great staple. a suitable occasion to rid the country of the evils with It affects the cotton planter himself, and the tobacco which the system is alleged to be fraught. Not an inat-planter, both of whom enjoy protection. tentive observer of passing events, I have been aware, land to sustain them, wool, woollen manufactures, and The total amount of the capitalt vested in sheep, the that, among those who were most early pressing the payment of the public debt, and, upon that ground, were opwoollen fabrics, and the subsistence of the various perposing appropriations to other great interests, there were sons directly or indirectly employed in the growth and some who cared less about the debt than the accomplish-manufacture of the article of wool, is estimated at one. ment of other objects. But the people of the United hundred and sixty-seven millions of dollars, and the num States have not coupled the payment of their ber of persons at 150,000. public debt with the destruction of the protection of their industry, The value of iron, considered as a raw material, and against foreign laws and foreign industry. They have of its manufactures, is estimated at twenty-six millions of been accustomed to regard the extinction of the public per annum. Cotton goods, exclusive of the capidebt as relief from a burthen, and not as the infliction of tal vested in the manufacture, and of the cost of the raw a curse. If it is to be attended or followed by the sub-material, are believed to amount, annually, to about twenversion of the American System, and an exposure of our ty millions of dollars. establishments and our productions to the unguarded conThese estimates have been carefully made, by practisequences of the selfish policy of foreign powers, the pay-cal men, of undoubted character, who have brought toment of the public debt will be the bitterest of curses. gether and embodied their information. Anxious to avoid Its fruit will be like the fruit the charge of exaggeration, they have sometimes placed their estimates below what was believed to be the actual amount of these interests. With regard to the quantity of bar and other iron annually produced, it is derived from the known works themselves; and I know some in western states which they have omitted in their calculations.

"Of that forbidden tree, whose mortal taste
"Brought death into the world, and all our woe,
"With loss of Eden."

dollars

If the system of protection be founded on principles erroneous in theory, pernicious in practice-above all, if it be unconstitutional, as is alleged, it ought to be forthwith Such are some of the items of this vast system of proabolished, and not a vestige of it suffered to remain. But, tection, which it is now proposed to abandon. We might before we sanction this sweeping denunciation, let us look well pause and contemplate, if human imagination could a little at this system, its magnitude, its ramifications, its conceive the extent of mischief and ruin from its total duration, and the high authorities which have sustained overthrow, before we proceed to the work of destruction. it. We shall see that its foes will have accomplished Its duration is worthy, also, of serious consideration. Not comparatively nothing, after having achieved their pre- to go behind the constitution, its date is coeval with that sent aim of breaking down our iron-founderies, our wool-instrument. It began on the ever memorable 4th day of len, cotton, and hemp manufactories, and our sugar plan-July-the 4th day of July, 1789. The second act which tations. The destruction of these would, undoubtedly, lead to the sacrifice of immense capital, the ruin of many thousands of our fellow citizens, and incalculable loss to the whole community. But their prostration would not disfigure, nor produce greater effect upon the whole system of protection, in all its branches, than the destruction of the beautiful domes upon the capitol would occasion to the magnificent edifice which they surmount. Why, sir, there is scarcely an interest, scarcely a vocation in society, which is not embraced by the beneficence of this

system.

It comprehends our coasting tonnage and trade, from which all foreign tonnage is absolutely excluded.

stands recorded in the statute book, bearing the illustrious signature of George Washington, laid the corner stone of the whole system. That there might be no mistake about the matter, it was then solemnly proclaim ed to the American people and to the world, that it was necessary for "the encouragement and protection of manufactures," that duties should be laid. It is in vain to urge the small amount of the measure of the protection then extended. The great principle was then established by the fathers of the constitution, with the father of his country at their head. And it cannot now be questioned, that, if the government had not then been new and the subject untried, a greater measure of protection would have been applied, if it had been supposed necessary. Shortly after, the master minds of Jefferson and Hamilton were brought to act on this interesting subject. Takaffairs and of the treasury, which they respectively It extends to almost every mechanic art: to tanners, filled, they presented, severally, reports which yet recordwainers, tailors, cabinet-makers, hatters, tinners, main monuments of their profound wisdom, and came to brass-workers, clock-makers, coach-makers, tallow the same conclusion of protection to American industry. chandlers, trace-makers, rope-makers, cork-cutters, to- Mr. Jefferson argued that foreign restrictions, foreign bacconists, whip-makers, paper-makers, umbrella-mak-prohibitions and foreign high duties, ought to be met, at ers, glass-blowers, stocking-weavers, butter-makers, sad- home, by American restrictions, American prohibitions dle and harness-makers, cutlers, brush-makers, book- and American high duties. Mr. Hamilton, surveying binders, dairy-men, milk-farmers, black-smiths, type- the entire ground, and looking at the inherent nature of founders, musical instrument-makers, basket-makers, the subject, treated it with an ability which, if ever milliners, potters, chocolate-makers, floor-cloth-makers,

It includes all our foreign tonnage, with the inconsiderable exception made by treaties of reciprocity with a few foreign powers.

It embraces our fisheries, and all our hardy and enter-ing views of it appertaining to the departments of foreign prising fishermen.

bonnet-makers, hair-cloth-makers, copper-smiths, pen- *To say nothing of cotton produced in other foreign cil-makers, bellows-makers, pocket book-makers, card- countries, the cultivation of this article, of a very superior makers, glue-makers, mustard-makers, lumber-sawyers, quality, is constantly extending in the adjacent Mexican saw-makers, scale-beam-makers, scythe-makers, wood-provinces, and, but for the duty, probably a large amount Saw-makers, and many others. The mechanics enume- would be introduced into the United States, down Red rated enjoy a measure of protection adapted to their river and along the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. several conditions, varying from twenty to fifty per cent. †See report in Appendix, marked C.

equalled, has not been surpassed, and earnestly recom- | citizens, under favorable auspices, have constituted the mended protection.

property of the nation, becomes a consideration of general policy, to be resolved by a recollection of past embarrassments; by the certainty of an increased difficulty of reinstating, upon any emergency, the manufactures which shall be allowed to perish and pass away," &c. The measure of protection which he proposed was not adopted, in regard to some leading articles, and there was great difficulty in ascertaining what it ought to have been. But the principle was then distinctly asserted, and fully sanctioned.

The wars of the French revolution commenced about this period, and streams of gold poured into the United States through a thousand channels, opened or enlarged by the successful commerce which our neutrality enabled us to prosecute. We forgot or overlooked, in the general prosperity, the necessity of encouraging our domestic manufactures. Then came the edicts of Napoleon, and the British orders in council; and our embargo, non-intercourse, non-importation, and war, followed in rapid succession. These national measures, amounting The subject of the American System was again brought to a total suspension, for the period of their duration, of up in 1820, by the bill reported by the chairman of the our foreign commerce, afforded the most efficacious en- committee of manufactures, now a member of the bench couragement to American manufactures; and, according- of the supreme court of the United States, and the prinly, they every where sprung up. Whilst these measures ciple was successfully maintained by the representatives of of restriction and this state of war continued, the manu- the people; but the bill which they passed was defeated facturers were stimulated in their enterprises by every in the senate. It was revived in 1824, the whole ground assurance of support, by public sentiment, and by legis- carefully and deliberately explored, and the bill, then lative resolves. It was about that period, (1808), that S. introduced, receiving all the sanctions of the constitution, Carolina bore her high testimony to the wisdom of the became the law of the land. An amendment of the syspolicy, in an act of her legislature, the preamble of tem was proposed in 1828, to the history of which I rewhich, now before me, reads, "Whereas the establish- fer with no agreeable recollections. The bill of that ment and encouragement of domestic manufactures is year, in some of its provisions, was framed on principles conducive to the interest of a state, by adding new incen- directly adverse to the declared wishes of the friends of tives to industry, and as being the means of disposing, to ad- the policy of protection. I have heard, (without vouchvantage, the surplus productions of the agriculturist: And ing for the fact), that it was so framed, upon the advice whereas, in the present unexampled state of the world, of a prominent citizen, now abroad, with the view of ultheir establishment in our country is not only expedient, but timately defeating the bill, and with assurances that, bepolitic, in rendering us independent of foreign nations."ing altogether unacceptable to the friends of the AmeriThe legislature, not being competent to afford the most efficacious aid, by imposing duties on foreign rival articles, proceeded to incorporate a company.

Thus, sir, has this great system of protection been gradually built, stone upon stone, and step by step, from the 4th of July, 1789, down to the present period. In every stage of its progress it has received the deliberate sanction of congress. A vast majority of the people of the United States has approved, and continues to approve it. Every chief magistrate of the U. States, from Washington to the present, in some form or other, has given to it the authority of his name; and however the opinons of the existing president are interpreted south of Mason's and Dixon's line, on the north they are, at least, understood to favor the establishment of a judicious tariff.

can System, the bill would be lost. Be that as it may, the most exceptionable features of the bill were stamped upon it, against the earnest remonstrances of the friends Peace, under the treaty of Ghent, returned in 1815, of the system, by the votes of southern members, upon a but there did not return with it the golden days which principle, I think, as unsound in legislation as it is repreceded the edicts leveled at our commerce by Great prehensible in ethics. The bill was passed, notwithstandBritain and France. It found all Europe tranquilly re-ing, it having been deemed better to take the bad along suming the arts and the business of civil life. It found with the good which it contained, than reject it altogether. Europe no longer the consumer of our surplus, and the Subsequent legislation has corrected the error then peremployer of our navigation, but excluding, or heavily petrated, but still that measure is vehemently denounced burdening, almost all the productions of our agriculture; by gentlemen who contributed to make it what it was. and our rivals in manufactures, in navigation and in commerce. It found our country, in short, in a situation totally different from all the past new and untried. It became necessary to adopt our laws, and especially our laws of impost, to the new circumstances in which we found ourselves. Accordingly, that eminent and lamented citizen, then at the head of the treasury, (Mr. Dallas), was required, by a resolution of the house of representatives, under date the 23d day of February, 1815, to prepare and report to the succeeding session of congress a system of revenue conformable with the actual condition of the country. He had the circle of a whole year to perform the work, consulted merchants, manufactures The question, therefore, which we are now called and other practical men, and opened an extensive cor- upon to determine, is not whether we shall establish a respondence. The report which he made, at the session new and doubtful system of policy, just proposed, and of 1816, was the result of his inquiries and reflections, for the first time presented to our consideration; but and embodies the principles which he thought applicable whether we shall break down and destroy a long estabto the subject. It has been said that the tariff of 1816 lished system, patiently and carefully built up, and sancwas a measure of mere revenue; and that it only reduced tioned, during a series of years, again and again, by the the war duties to a peace standard. It is true that the nation and its highest and most revered authorities. And question then was, how much, and in what way, should are we not bound deliberately to consider whether we the double duties of the war be reduced? Now, also, can proceed to this work of destruction without a violathe question is, on what articles shall the duties be re- tion of the public faith? The people of the United duced so as to subject the amounts of the future revenue States have justly supposed that the policy of protecting to the wants of the government? Then it was deemed their industry, against foreign legislation and foreign inan inquiry of the first importance, as it should be now, dustry, was fully settled, not by a single act, but by rehow the reduction should be made, so as to secure pro-peated and deliberate acts of government, performed at per encouragement to our domestic industry. That this distant and frequent intervals. In full confidence that was a leading object in the arrangement of the tariff of the policy was firmly and unchangeably fixed, thousands 1816, I well remember, and it is demonstrated by the upon thousands have invested their capital, purchased language of Mr. Dallas. He says, in his report, "There a vast amount of real and other estate, made permaare few, if any governments, which do not regard the nent establishments, and accommodated their industry. establishment of domestic manufactures as a chief object Can we expose to utter and irretrievable ruin this countof public policy. The United States have always so re- less multitude, without justly incurring the reproach of garded it. * The demands of the country, violating the national faith? while the acquisitions of supplies from foreign nations I shall not discuss the constitutional question. Withwas either prohibited or impracticable, may have afford-out meaning any disrespect to those who raise it, if it be ed a sufficent inducement for this investment of capital, debateable, it has been sufficiently debated. The gen and this application of labor; but the inducement, in its tleman from South Carolina suffered it to fall unnoticed necessary extent, must fail, when the day of competition from his budget; and it was not until after he had closed returns. Upon that change in the condition of the coun- his speech and resumed his seat, that it occurred to him try, the preservation of the manufactures, which private that he had forgotten it, when he again adressed the sc

[Here the vice president interposed, and remarked that, if the senator from Kentucky alluded to him, he must say that his opinion was, that the measure was un-profits were made. I have heard of your successor in constitutional.]

When, sir, I contended with you, side by side, and with perhaps less zeal than you exhibited, in 1816, I did not understand you then to consider the policy forbidden by the constitution.

nate, and, by a sort of protestation against any conclu- | sive lawns. The honorable gentleman from South Casion from his silence, put forward the objection. The rolina says, that a profitable trade was carried on from recent Free Trade Convention at Philadelphia, it is well the west, through the Seleuda gap, in mules, horses, and known, were divided on the question; and although the other live stock, which has been checked by the operatopic is noticed in their address to the public, they do tion of the tariff. It is true that such a trade was carrinot avow their own belief that the American System is ed on between Kentucky and South Carolina, mutually unconstitutional, but represent that such is the opinion of beneficial to both parties; but, several years ago, resolurespectable portions of the American people. Another tions, at popular meetings, in Carolina, were adopted, address to the people of the United States, from a high not to purchase the produce of Kentucky, by way of source, during the past year, treating this subject, does punishment for her attachment to the tariff. They must not assert the opinion of the distinguished author, but have supposed us as stupid as the sires of one of the destates that of others to be that it is unconstitutional. From scriptions of the stock, of which that trade consisted, if which I infer that he did not, himself, believe it uncon- they imagined that their resolutions would affect our stitutional. principles. Our drovers cracked their whips, blew their horns, and passed the Seleuda gap, to other markets, where better humors existed, and equal or greater the house of representatives, Mr. President, this anecdote; that he joined in the adoption of those resolutions, but when, about Christmas, he applied to one of his South Carolina neighbors to purchase the regular supply of pork, for the ensuing year, he found that he had to give two prices for it; and he declared if that were the patriotism on which the resolutions were based, he would not conform to them, and, in point of fact, laid in his annual stock of pork by purchase from the first passI give way with pleasure to these explanations, which ing Kentucky drover. That trade, now partially resumI hope will always be made when I say any thing bear-ed, was maintained by the sale of western productions, ing on the individual opinions of the chair. I know the on the one side, and Carolina money on the other.delicacy of the position, and sympathise with the incum- From that condition of it, the gentleman from South Carolina might have drawn this conclusion, that an adbent, whoever he may be. It is true, the question was not debated in 1816; and why not? Because it was not vantageous trade may exist, although one of the parties debateable; it was then believed not fairly to arise. It to it pays in specie for the production which he purnever has been made, as a distinct, substantial, and lead-chases from the other; and, consequently, that it does ing point of objection. It never was made until the dis- not follow, if we did not purchase British fabrics, that it cussion of the tariff of 1824,* when it was rather hinted might not be the interest of England to purchase our The Kentucky drover received at, as against the spirit of the constitution, than formally raw material of cotton. announced, as being contrary to the provisions of that the South Carolina specie, or, taking bills, or the eviinstrument. What was not dreampt of before, or in 1816, dences of deposite in the banks, carried these home, and and scarcely thought of in 1824, is now made, by excit- disposing of them to the merchant, he brought out ed imaginations, to assume the imposing form of a scri- goods, of foreign or domestic manufacture, in return. Such is the circuitous nature of trade and remittance, ous constitutional barrier. which no nation understands better than Great Britain.

[The vice president again interposed, and said that the constitutional question was not debated at that time, and that he had never expressed an opinion contrary to that now intimated.]

Such are the origin, duration, extent, and sanctions of Nor has the system, which has been the parent source the policy which we are now called upon to subvert. Its beneficial effects, although they may vary in degree, of so much benefit to other parts of the union, proved have been felt in all parts of the union. To none, I injurious to the cotton growing country. I cannot speak verily believe, has it been prejudicial. To the north, of South Carolina itself, where I have never been, with every where, testimonies are borne to the high prosperi- so much certainty; but of other portions of the union in ty which it has diffused. There, all branches of indus- which cotton is grown, especially those bordering on the try are animated and flourishing. Commerce, foreign Mississippi, I can confidently speak. If cotton planting and domestic, active; cities and towns springing up, en- is less profitable than it was, that is the result of increaslarging and beautifying; navigation fully and profitably ed production; but believe it to be still the most profitaemployed, and the whole face of the country smiling ble investment of capital of any branch of business in And if a committee were raised, with improvement, cheerfulness, and abundance. The the United States. gentleman from South Carolina has supposed that we, in with power to send for persons and papers, I take upon the west, derive no advantages from this system. He is myself to say, that such would be the result of the inmistaken. Let him visit us, and he will find, from the quiry. In Kentucky, I know many individuals who have head of La Belle Riviere, at Pittsburg, to America, at their cotton plantations below, and retain their residence He in that state, where they remain during the sickly seaits mouth, the most rapid and gratifying advances. will behold Pittsburg itself, Wheeling, Portsmouth, son; and they are all, I believe, without exception, doing Maysville, Cincinnati, Louisville, and numerous other well. Others tempted by their success, are constantly towns, lining and ornamenting the banks of that noble engaging in the business, whilst scarcely any comes from river, daily extending their limits, and prosecuting, with the cotton region to engage in western agriculture. A the greatest spirit and profit, numerous branches of the friend, now in my eye, a member of this body, upon a manufacturing and mechanic arts. If he will go into capital of less than seventy thousand dollars, invested in the interior, in the state of Ohio, he will there perceive a plantation and slaves, made, the year before last, sixA member of the other house, I the most astonishing progress in agriculture, in the use- teen thousand dollars. ful arts, and in all the improvements to which they both understand, who, without removing himself, sent some directly conduce. Then let him cross over into my own, of his slaves to Mississippi, made, last year, about Two friends of mine, in the latter my favorite state, and contemplate the spectacle which twenty per cent. is there exhibited. He will perceive numerous villages, state, whose annual income is from thirty to sixty thounot large, but neat, thriving, and some of them highly sand dollars, being desirous to curtail their business, ornamented; many manufactories of hemp, cotton, wool, have offered estates for sale, which they are willing to and other articles. In various parts of the country, and show, by regular vouchers of receipt and disbursement, One of my most especially in the Elkhorn region, an endless succession yield eighteen per cent. per annum. of natural parks; the forests thinned; fallen trees and opulent acquaintances, in a county adjoining to that in undergrowth cleared away; large herds and flocks feed- which I reside, having married in Georgia, has derived ing on luxuriant grasses; and interspersed with comfort- a large portion of his wealth from a cotton estate there able, sometimes elegant mansions, surrounded by exten- situated.

The loss of the tonnage of Charleston, which has been dwelt on, does not proceed from the tariff; it never had a very large amount, and it has not been able to retain what it had, in consequence of the operation of the prin

ciple of free trade on its navigation. Its tonnage has nia took him to her bosom, and warmed, and cherished, gone to the more enterprising and adventurous tars of and honored him; and how does he manifest his gratithe northern states, with whom those of the city of tude? By aiming a vital blow at a system endeared to Charleston could not maintain a successful competition, her by a thorough conviction that it is indispensable to in the freedom of the coasting trade existing between her prosperity. He has filled, at home and abroad, the different parts of the union. That this must be the some of the highest offices under this government, durtrue cause, is demonstrated by the fact, that, however it ing thirty years, and he is still at heart an alien. The may be with the port of Charleston, our coasting ton-authority of his name has been invoked, and the labors nage, generally, is constantly increasing. As to the fo- of his pen, in the form of a memorial to congress, have reign tonnage, about one-half of that which is engaged been engaged, to overthrow the American system and to in the direct trade between Charleston and Great Britain, substitute the foreign. Go home to your native Europe, is English; proving that the tonnage of South Carolina and there inculcate, upon her sovereigns, your Utopian cannot maintain itself in a competition, under the free doctrines of free trade, and when you have prevailed and equal navigation secured by our treaty with that upon them to unseal their ports, and freely admit the power. produce of Pennsylvania, and other states, come back, and we shall be prepared to become converts, and to adopt your faith.

When gentlemen have succeeded in their design of an immediate or gradual destruction of the American System, what is their substitute? Free trade! Free trade! The call for free trade, is as unavailing as the ery of a spoiled child, in its nurse's arms, for the moon or the stars that glitter in the firmanent of heaven. It never has existed; it never will exist. Trade implies, at least, two parties. To be free, it should be fair, equal, and reciprocal. But if we throw our ports wide open to the admission of foreign productions, free of all duty, what ports, of any other foreign nation, shall we find open to the free admission of our surplus produce? We may break down all barriers to free trade, on our part, but the work will not be complete until foreign powers shall have removed theirs. There would be freedom on one side, and restrictions, prohibitions, and exclusions, on the other. The bolts, and the bars, and the chains, of all other nations, will remain undisturbed. It is, indeed, possible, that our industry and commerce would accommodate themselves to this unequal and unjust state of things: for, such is the flexibility of our nature, that it bends itself to all circumstances. The wretched prisoner, incarcerated in a gaol, after a long time, becomes reconciled to his solitude, and regularly notches down the passing days of his confinement.

A Mr. Sarchet also makes no inconsiderable figure in the common attack upon our system. I do not know the man, but I understand he is an unnaturalized emigrant from the island of Guernsey, situated in the channel which divides France and England. The principal business of the inhabitants is that of driving a contraband trade with the opposite shores, and Mr. Sarchet, educated in that school, is, I have been told, chiefly engaged in employing his wits to elude the operation of our revenue laws, by introducing articles at less rates of duty than they are justly chargeable with, which he effects by varying the denominations, or slightly changing their forms. This man, at a former session of the senate, caused to be presented a memorial signed by some 150 pretended workers in iron. Of these a gentlemen made a careful inquiry and examination, and he ascertained that there were only about ten of the denomination represented; the rest were tavern keepers, porters, merchants' clerks, hackney coachmen, &e. I have the most respectable authority, in black and white, for this statement.

[Here gen. Hayne asked, who? and was he a manufac turer? Mr. Clay replied, col. Murray, of New York, a gentleman of the highest standing for honor, probity, and veracity; that he did not know whether he was a manufacturer or not, but the gentleman might take him as one.*]

Whether Mr. Sarchet got up the late petition presented to the senate, from the journeymen tailors of Philadelphia, or not, I do not know. But I should not be surprised if it were a movement of his, and if we should find that he has cabbaged from other classes of society to swell out the number of signatures.

Gentlemen deceive themselves. It is not free trade that they are recommending to our acceptance. It is, in effect, the British colonial system that we are invited to adopt; and, if their policy prevail, it will lead, substantially, to the recolonization of these states, under the commercial dominion of Great Britain. And whom do we find some of the principal supporters, out of congress, of this foreign system? Mr. President, there are some foreigners who always remain exotics, and never become naturalized in our country: whilst, happily, there are many others who readily attach themselves to To the facts manufactured by Mr. Sarchet, and the our principles and our institutions. The honest, patient, theories by Mr. Gallatin, there was yet wanting one cirand industrious German, readily unites with our people, cumstance to recommend them to favorable consideraestablishes himself upon some of our fat land, fills his tion, and that was the authority of some high name. capacious barn, and enjoys, in tranquillity, the abundant There was no difficulty in obtaining one from a British fruits which his diligence gathers around him, always repository. The honorable gentleman has cited a speech ready to fly to the standard of his adopted country, or of of my lord Goderich, addressed to the British parliaits laws, when called by the duties of patriotism. The ment, in favor of free trade, and full of deep regret that gay, the versatile, the philosophic Frenchman, accom- old England could not possibly conform her practice of modating himself cheerfully to all the vicissitudes of rigorous restriction and exclusion, to her liberal doclife, incoporates himself, without difficulty, in our so- trines of unfettered commerce, so earnestly recommendciety. But, of all foreigners, none amalgamate them-ed to foreign powers. Sir, said Mr. C. I know my lord selves so quickly with our people as the natives of the Goderich very well, although my acquaintance with him Emerald Isle. In some of the visions which have pass-was prior to his being summoned to the British house of ed through my imagination, I have supposed that Ireland peers. We both signed the convention between the was, originally, part and parcel of this continent, and United States and Great Britain of 1815. He is an hothat, by some extraordinary convulsion of nature, it was norable man, frank, possessing business, but ordinary tatorn from America, and, drifting across the ocean, was lents, about the stature and complexion of the honorable placed in the unfortunate vicinity of Great Britain. gentleman from South Carolina, a few years older than The same open heartedness; the same generous hospitali-he, and every drop of blood running in his veins being ty; the same careless and uncalculating indifference pure and unadulterated Anglo-Saxon blood. If he were about human life, characterise the inhabitants of both to live to the age of Methuselah, he could not make a countries. Kentucky has been sometimes called the Ire- speech of such ability and eloquence as that which the land of America. And I have no doubt that, if the cur- gentleman from South Carolina recently delivered to the rent of emigration were reversed, and set from America senate; and there would be much more fitness in my lord upon the shores of Europe, instead of bearing from Eu- Goderich making quotations from the speech of the horope to America, every American emigrant to Ireland norable gentleman, than his quoting, as authority, the would there find, as every Irish emigrant here finds, a theoretical doctrines of my lord Goderich. We are too hearty welcome and a happy home! much in the habit of looking abroad, not merely for manufactured articles, but for the sanction of high names,

But, sir, the gentleman to whom I am about to allude, although long a resident of this country, has no feelings, no attachments, no sympathies, no principles, in common with our people. Near fifty years ago, Pennsylva

Then it was the object of this British economist to adapt the means or wealth of the colonists to the supply required by their necessities, and to make the mother country the only source of that supply. Now it seems the policy is only so far to be reversed, that we must continue to import necessaries from Great Britain, in order to enable her to purchase raw cotton from us.

to support favorite theories. I have seen, and closely "Our colonies are much in the same state Ireland was observed, the British parliament, and, without derogat- in, when they began the woollen manufactory, and, as ing from its justly elevated character, I have no hesita- their numbers increase, will fall upon manufactures for tion in saying, that in all the attributes of order, dignity, clothing themselves, if due care be not taken to find empatriotism, and eloquence, the American congress would ployment for them in raising such productions as may not suffer, in the smallest degree, by a comparison with it. enable them to furnish themselves with all their necessáI dislike this resort to authority, and especially foreign ries from us. and interested authority, for the support of principles of public policy. I would greatly prefer to meet gentlemen upon the broad ground of fact, of experience, and of reason; but, since they will appeal to British names and authority, I feel myself compelled to imitate their bad example. Allow me to quote from the speech of a member of the British parliament, bearing the same family name with my lord Goderich, but whether or not a "I should, therefore, think it worthy the care of the relation of his, I do not know. The member alluded to was arguing against the violation of the treaty of Me-overnment to endeavor, by all possible means, to enthuen that treaty, not less fatal to the interests of Por-courage them in raising of silk, hemp, flax, iron, [-only tugal than would be the system of gentlemen to the best Pig; to be hammered in England], pot ash, &c. by giving them competent bounties in the beginning, and interests of America-and he went on to say: "It was idle for us to endeavor to persuade other na-charge, to assist and instruct them in the most proper sending over judicious and skilful persons, at the publie tions to join with us in adopting the principles of what was methods of management, which, in my apprehension, called free trade.' Other nations knew, as well as the would lay a foundation for establishing the most profitanoble lord opposite, and those who acted with him, what ble trade of any we have. And considering the comwe meant by free trade' was nothing more nor less than, manding situation of our colonies along the sea coast; the by means of the great advantages we enjoyed, to get a monopoly of all their markets for our manufactures, and great convenience of navigable rivers in all of them; the to prevent them, one and all, from even becoming manufac- cheapness of land, and the easiness of raising provisions; great numbers of people would transport themselves thituring nations. When the system of reciprocity and free ther to settle upon such improvements. Now, as people trade had been proposed to a French ambassador, his re- have been filled with fears that the colonies, if encouragmark was, that the plan was excellent in theory, but, to ed to raise rough materials, would set up for themselves, make it fair in practice, it would be necessary to defer a little regulation would remove all those jealousies out of the attempt to put it in execution for half a century, until the way. They have never thrown or wove any silk as France should be on the same footing with Great Britain, vet that we have heard of: Therefore if a law was made in marine, in manufactures, in capital, and the many to prohibit the use of every throwster's mill, or doubling other peculiar advantages which it now enjoyed. The or horsling silk with any machine whatever, they would policy that France acted on, was that of encouraging its then send it to us raw: And, as they will have the pronative manufactures, and it was a wise policy; because, if viding rough materials to themselves, so shall we have it were freely to admit our manufactures, it would spee- the manufacturing of them. If encouragement be given for dily be reduced to the rank of an agricultural nation; raising hemp, flax, &c. doubtless they will soon begin to and therefore a poor nation, as all must be that depend manufacture, if not prevented: Therefore, to stop the exclusively upon agriculture. America acted too upon progress of any such manufacture, it is proposed that no the same principle with France. America legislated for weaver there shall have liberty to set up any looms without futurity legislated for an increasing population. Ame- first registering at an office kept for that purpose, and the rica, too, was prospering under this system. In twenty name and place of abode of any journeyman that shall years, America would be independent of England for work with him. But if any particular inhabitant shall manufactures altogether. But since be inclined to have any linen or woollen made of their the peace, France, Germany, America, and all the other countries of the world, had proceeded upon the principle liberty that they now make use of, viz: to carry to a weaown spinning, they should not be abridged of the same of encouraging and protecting native manufactures." ver, (who shall be licensed by the governor), and have it wrought up for the use of the family, but not to be sold to any person in a private manner, nor exposed to any market or fair, upon pain of forfeiture.

But I have said that the system nominally called "free trade," so earnestly and eloquently recommended to our adoption, is a mere revival of the British colonial system, forced upon us by Great Britain during the existence of our colonial vassalage. The whole system is fully explained and illustrated in a work published as far back as the year 1750, entitled "The trade and navigation of Great Britain, considered by Joshua Gee," with extracts from which I have been furnished by the diligent researches of a friend. It will be seen from these, that the South Carolina policy now, is identical with the long cherished policy of Great Britain, which remains the same as it was when the thirteen colonies were part of the British empire. In that work the author contends

"1. That manufactures, in the American colonies, should be discouraged or prohibited.

"Great Britain, with its dependencies, is doubtless as well able to subsist within itself as any nation in Europe: We have an enterprising people, fit for all the arts of peace and war: We have provisions in abundance, and those of the best sort, and are able to raise sufficient for double the number of inhabitants: We have the very best materials for clothing, and want nothing either for use or even for luxury, but what we have at home or might have from our colonies: So that we might make such an intercourse of trade among ourselves, or between us and them, as would maintain a vast navigation. But we ought always to keep a watchful eye over our colonies, to restrain them from setting up any of the manufactures which are carried on in Britain; and any such attempts should be crushed in the beginning: for, if they are suffered to grow up to maturity, it will be difficult to suppress them," Pages 177, 8, 9.

"And, inasmuch as they have been supplied with all their manufactures from hence, except what is used in building of ships and other country work, one half of our exports being supposed to be in NAILS-a manufacture which they allow has never hitherto been carried on among them-it is proposed they shall, for time to come, never erect the manufacture of any under the size of a two shilling nail, horse nails excepted; that all slitting mills and engines, for drawing wire, or weaving stockings, be put down; and that every smith who keeps a common forge or shop, shall register his name and place of abode, and the name of every servant which he shall employ, which licence shall be renewed once every year, and pay for the liberty of working at such trade. That all negroes shall be prohibited from weaving either linen or woollen, or spinning or combing of wool, or working at any manufacture of iron, further than making it into pig or bar iron. That they also be prohibited from manufacturing hats, stockings, or leather, of any kind. This limitation will not abridge the planters of any privilege they now enjoy. On the contrary, it will turn their industry to promoting and raising those rough materials."

The author then proposes that the board of trade and plantations should be furnished with statistical accounts of the various permitted manufactures, to enable them to encourage or depress the industry of the colonists, and prevent the danger of interference with British industry.

"It is hoped that this method would allay the heat that some people have shown, for destroying the iron works on