boasted publicly that she had brought for the purpose of paying | 1,430. Cork, July, 3. New cases 19; dead 9; recovered 13; re his ransom. We are also requested, by a friend of the commodore, to register the following, as elucidating the circumstances under which he was appointed to the command of the naval forces of Mexico New York, March 27th, 1826. I have the honor of transmitting to you a copy of the order I am, with the greatest consideration, your obedient servant. Commodore D. Porter. DEPARTMENT OF WAR AND MARINE, Sec. 3d. The supreme government of this republic having learnt the reasons which have given rise to the delicacy which you feel in entering into the naval service, and that it is principally caused by the sentence of suspension for six months from service, pronounced against you by your government, it has directed me to inform you that this circumstance has not, in the slightest degree, altered the opinion entertained of your knowledge and capacity for the naval service; and that, attributing it solely to an act of policy of your government, the reputation due to your services is not thereby in the least impaired. I hasten therefore to communicate to you this declaration, that, being informed thereof, you may determine as you may think proper, at the same time I present to you my high consideration and respect. GOD AND LIBERTY. Mexico, December 9th, 1825. =མ་©བ་“ FOREIGN NEWS. J. CACHO. From London papers to the 7th July, inclusive. GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. In the house of lords July 3d, the marquis of Londonderry expressed his surprise at the extraordinary mission of lord Durham to St. Petersburgh. The embassy of so high a personage as the lord of the privy seal, must be of the greatest importance. He hoped the ambassador was instructed to soften down the language opprobriously used in parliament against an illustrious monarch with whom they were in alliance. His lordship then said that the continued occupation of Ancona and Algiers by the French, required explanation; but he particularly wished to know whether the Belgian treaty had been ratified by all the five powers:-and whether it was the non-acquiescence of the king of Holland that prevented the full development of the facts relative to the treaty? maining 93; from the commencement, cases 3,305; deaths 843; 23 places in Ireland, including those already mentioned-new cases 328, dead 116, recovered 218, remaining 993. Totals from the commencement, cases 13,487, dead 4,380. Council office, Whitehall, July 5th. Cholera in the country, new cases 245, deaths 83, recovered 132, remaining 822. Total cases from the commencement of the disease 16,164, deaths 5,624. FRANCE. The most important intelligence is, that the French court of cassation, the highest court of appeal, had pronounced by a majority, it would appear, of 9 to 3, the proceedings of the military courts illegal, and consequently the state of siege in which Paris was placed also illegal. The immediate consequence was the revocation of the ordonances establishing martial law. Messrs. Fitz James, Chateaubriand and Hyde de Neuville, had been liberated and without a trial, and the three deputies who concealed themselves against arrests by martial law, Messrs. Garnier Pages, Cabet and Boissiere, have surrendered to an acknowledgment of the jurisdiction of the regular tribunals. M. Carel, the editor of the National, was expected to follow their example. A new French ministry is not yet arranged. The cholera is said to be on the increase in Paris-believed to be in consequence of the great use of fruit. RUSSIA AND PRUSSIA. The military arrangements of the emperor and king cause much speculation. The first has a great army in Poland, and is increasing it-the army of the second seems to be on the highest war establishment. HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. The affairs of these powers remain as they were unsettled; and each stands prepared for a resort to arms. Indeed, it is said at Brussels that the blockade of Maestricht has been resolved on. POLAND. The Warsaw Gazette contains copies of three imperial ukases, condemning many gallant officers of the Polish army to be degraded from their ranks of nobility and sent to Siberia, with a confiscation of their property. Posen, June 19. The late statement, that in all Poland children are taken and carried away to Russia, is confirmed by letters from all quarters. This detestable measure was lately to be carried into execution at Ralisch, and when the inhabitants refused to obey orders, general Sabolew, the governor, issued a summons to them, to obey, or to expect more severe measures. The citizens, joined by their wives, feeling the injustice of the proceeding, were resolved rather to bear the worst that could happen, and an affray attended with bloodshed took place, in which 20 Russians and a not inconsiderable number of citizens, were killed. No doubt arrests will take place. But meantime the removal of the children has been deferred and a report sent to Paskewitsch. It is hoped that the Russians will abandon this terrible measure, as it is said that great disapprobation of the proceeding has been manifested by the people of Russia itself. From time to time, new emigrants from the neighboring provinces of the kingdom of Poland arrive, but they are immediately delivered up, without distinction, to the Russian authorities. LATER NEWS. Large numbers of respectable mechanics are leaving England for the United States. From London papers to the evening of July 14. It is said that the king of Belgium insists on the evacuation of Antwerp, &c. as preliminary arrangements-but probably the Earl Grey despaired of giving satisfaction to the noble mar-king of Holland will hold Antwerp, &c. by the way of security. quis, but said it must be evident to their lordships that on a subject of such delicacy and importance as the mission of St. Peterburgh, he could not then enter into any explanations. He agreed with the noble marquis that so long as the negotiations between Holland and Belgium remained unsettled, there was danger to the peace of Europe, and he had spared no pains to bring them to a satisfactory conclusion, but he regretted to say that this had not yet been accomplished. The cholera continued in Liverpool. The number of new cases per day during the first six days of July, varied from 44 to 72, and of deaths from 12 to 21. At York and Hull the disease was on the increase. At Edinburgh it had broken out afresh, there being 50 new cases and 13 deaths in four days, with only 5 recoveries. In the house of lords on the 2d, lord Suffield presented a petition for the immediate abolition of slavery in the West Indies, seventy-six yards in length, and signed by 14,600 persons; with several other petitions to the same effect, from different places. He complained that the proposed grant to the West India proprietors would be construed as an encouragement to slavery. Lord Goderich said the grant was only in the nature of a loan, to persons whose property had been injured by the recent insurrections. In the house of commons, on the 4th of July, capt. Gordon asked whether it was true that the cholera had re-appeared in several parts of London. Mr. Lambe said it was, and that London had only been free from the disease three or four days. It was, however, in a milder form,-very few cases had occurred, and those which had occurred were in the most part cured. Under these circumstances it was thought better not to alarm the public unnecessarily by continuing the reports from the board of health. Several members acquiesced in the propriety of this arrangement. Ireland. Dublin, July 3. New cases 153; dead 40; recovered 91; remaining 539; from commencement, cases 4,875; deaths The cholera has broken out at Vera, in Spain. "The destruction of Poland continues: the fine university of Wilna has just been dissolved, and its spendid library of 200,000 volumes, is ordered to be removed to Russia. An insurrection has broken out in Lithuania, and a large detachment of Cossacks had been cut to pieces, by the peasants, driven to despair. The sentences of marshal Francis Bilgorayski, the demissionary lieut. Tripolski, and the canon John Siercaonski, by which they were degraded from their several ranks, and made soldiers in the line in the battalions of Siberia, and their property confiseated, are published in the English papers, with the approval of the sentences in full by the emperor. The expedition to explore the Niger was just about departing from England-it consists of the brig Columbine, and the steam vessels Quorra and Elburka. Ireland is much disturbed, and large detachments of troops have been ordered from England to preserve the public peace. The discontents and disorders seem to be altogether connected with the tithes. The people cannot be forced into the payment of them. Don Pedro embarked for Portugal on 25th June, with religious ceremonies. He had a fine and well disciplined body of men, who seemed fully prepared and provided for the work before them. The fleet consisted of 70 transports, besides the armed vessels. Three Polish chiefs had been ordered to leave Paris and France, in 5 days. The reasons are not distinctly assigned-but it would seem that they had interfered in the political affairs of France. The anniversary of the "three days" was regarded with some alarm in Paris. Turkey and Egypt. Paris, July 12. "The grand seignor has decidedly deposed the pacha of Egypt, and given him a successor in the person of Hussein pacha, who has set out from Constanti sels. also his son Ibrahim. All the governments of the confederation, gratefully acknow king of Prussia have given new proofs), to the general welfare of Germany, have unanimously resolved as follows: nople on board the Turkish fleet, consisting of 2 three-decked ships of 128 guns, and another of 120 guns, 4 two-decked ves-ledging the attention, (of which the emperor of Austria and the sels, 7 frigates, 9 corvettes, 8 brigs or cutters, and 2 steam vesHussien pacha is instructed to put to death Mehemet Ali, and Poland. An article published in the St. Petersburgh Gazette on the 16th June, commenting on the imperial ordinance relative to Polish soldiers in the Russian army, and may be regarded as official. The determination was to receive, or in other words to force into the service of the imperial army, those of a lower grade, who had served in the Polish cause, who had no property; and to leave those who had returned to agricultural pursuits to remain the slaves of the soil. LATEST AND IMPORTANT. From London papers of the 18th July. GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. The Scotch reform bill has received the royal assent. The royal marine artillery were ordered to rendezvous at Plymouth, as is said, for a secret expedition. They will take a brigade of guns and congreve rockets. Consols, July 17-847-8. 85. A meeting supposed to consist of two hundred thousand men, from the counties of Kilkenny, Wexford, Tipperary and Waterford, in Ireland, was lately held near Knocktopher, to protest against the tithe system. The deputy lord lieutenant of the county, the hon. colonel P. Butler, was in the chair. Several speakers addressed different parts of this huge mass of human beings at the same time; and certain resolutions being proposed and passed, the people dispersed in the most orderly manner, and without any previous disturbance. Six men had been tried and convicted for illegally assembling to obstruct the payment of tithes; and thirty-six had pleaded guilty. Sentence had not been passed. 1. Considering that by art. 57 of the final act concluded at Vienna, all the powers of the state must remain united in the head of the state, and that the sovereign, by the constitution of the states, can be limited only in the exercise of certain rights by the co-operation of the states, every German sovereign, a member of the confederation, is not only authorised to reject the petitions of the estates which may be of a contrary tendency, but his duty to reject them flows from the object of the confederation itself. 2. As farther ascending to the spirit of the said 57th article, and the consequences comprehended in the 58th article, the estates cannot refuse to any German sovereign the means necessary to conduct the government in a manner conformable to his obligations, as a member of the confederation, and those which are imposed on him by the constitution of his country; therefore, all cases in which assemblies of states may attempt to make the granting of the taxes necessary for the government dependent directly or indirectly, on the fulfiment of other objects, or wishes, must be reckoned among the cases to which articles 25 and 26 of the act of Vienna are applicable. Art. 25. The maintenance of internal tranquility and order in the confederated state belongs to the government alone. Nevertheless, (and as one exception), for the internal security of the whole confederation, and in consequence of the obligation of its members reciprocally to assist each other, the co-operation of all for the maintenance or restoration of tranquility may take place in case of resistance of the subjects to the government, in open insurrection, or dangerous movements in several of the confederated states. Art. 26. When in any confederate state, by the resistance of It is expected, and seems indeed undoubted, that a minister the inhabitants to the government, internal tranquility is directfrom queen Donna Maria, of Portugal, will be speedily acknowly threatened, and a propagation of seditious movements to be ledged by the British government-if Don Pedro holds good feared, or if an insurrection has actually broken out, and the the landing that he has made at Oporto-as stated below. Earl government itself, after having tried all legal means, claims the Grey, however, had avoided an answer to a direct question on assi-tance of the confederation, the latter is bound immediately this subject. to offer its assistance towards the restoration of order. If in the latter case the government is notoriously unable to suppress the rebellion by its own means, and hindered from applying to the confederation for assistance by circumstances, the confederation is then bound, even though not applied to, to interfere for the re-establishment of order. In no case, however, can the measures in question be continued, longer than the government to which assistance is given shall think it necessary. FRANCE. Much excitement was caused in Paris by the protocol of the Germanic confederation, inserted below. It is manifest that the despots have resolved to check the progress of democratic principles, by force; but whether they will first attack the people of Germany, or France, does not appear. The latter is well prepared and willing to battle for liberty, and uphold the tri colored flag. The French revenue is flourishing--and the people are prosperous, except in the disturbed western departments. Nothing is said of the duchess of Berri. Some of her partizans were lately arrested at Nantes. Paris was quiet. There is a report that the French minister, marshal Mortier, had retired from the court of St. Petersburg-and that this accounts for the obstinacy of Holland, secretly supported by Russia; of which it is said that the British also complain. HOLLAND AND BELGIUM Appear upon the very eve of war. The king of Holland has taken high ground-he will close the Scheldt, and will have Limberg and Luxembourg. Indeed, hostilities on a pretty scale had already commenced near Maestricht. GERMANY. From the Journal de Frankfort, of the 10th of July. Public protocal of the twenty-second sitting of the diet of the Germanic confederation, held 28th June, 1832. Present, Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, Wirtemberg, Baden, Hesse electoral, grand duchy of Hesse, Denmark, duchy of Luxembourg, grand ducal and ducal houses of Saxony, Brunswick, and Nassau, the two Mecklenbourgs, Oldenbourg, Anhalt, Schwarsbourg, Hohenzollern, &c., and the free towns of Lubeck, Frankfort, Bremen, and Hamburgh. Measures for the support of legal order and tranquility in the Germanic confederation. 3. The internal legislation of the German confederate states must not be opposed to the object of the confederation as described in art. 2 of the act of confederation, and art. 1 of the final act, nor impede the fulfilment of the federal duties, particularly the levying of the necessary supplies. 4. To secure the dignity and rights of the confederation, and of the assembly representing it, against demands of all kinds, and in order to facilitate in the several states the maintenance of the constitutional relations between the governments and their assemblies of states, a committee shall be appointed by the diet expressly for this purpose, to make itself constantly acquainted with the proceedings of the estates in the German confederate states, to take into consideration the proposals and resolutions contrary to the obligations with respect to the confederation, or to the rights of the governments guaranteed by the federal compact, and to give notice of such to the diet, which will then, if it judge the matter deserving attention, consult with the governments interested. The committee shall be appointed for six years, at the end of which its continuance shall be taken into consideration. 5. As by article 59 of the final act of Vienna, in those countries where the publicity of the debates of the estates is guaranteed by the constitution, the free expression of opinion cannot be used either in the debates themselves, or in the publication of them by the press, in a manner calculated to endanger the tranquility of the particular state, or of all Germany, and that The Austrian ambassador, president of the diet, declared that provisions must be made for this in the regulations of the chamthe present state of affairs in Germany had only attracted the bers; the governments of the confederation bind themselves seattention of the emperor as long as the excitement of the peo-verally and collectively, to each other, to adopt and carry into ple's minds was no more than might be expected, from the great effect, as they have hitherto been bound to do by their federal events in which other countries were involved. His majesty relations, proper measures to prevent all attacks on the confehoped that public opinion would be influenced by the preponderation in the assemblies of the estates, and to repress such derance which the calm and well disposed majority must have attacks, each according to the forms of its own constitution. among a people whose virtues and eminent qualities are the ad- 6. As the dict is already called by article 17 of the final code, miration of Europe. His imperial majesty having, however, to maintain the true meaning of the act of the confederation, and perceived with great sorrow that Germany was hastening with of the enactments contained in it, to declare it in conformity to gigantic strides to a revolution, resolved to consult his angust the object of the confederation, should any doubt arise respectally, the king of Prussia, to consider in common the state ofing the interpretation of it, it is evident that the German confeGermany, and subsequently, together with the king, to discuss, deration alone, and exclusively, is authorised to interpret the with the other German governments, the measures which the act of confederation and the final act, which right it exercises present state of things imperatively demands. through the diet, its legal organ. With respect to the abuses of the periodical press, the diet In consequence of various conferences with all the members of the confederation, the object of which was the desire to main-waits for the report of the committee appointed in its 14th sitting tain that which exists loyally and in accordance with the law of nations, and to fulfil the duties imposed on them, to watch over the welfare of the people confided to them, the ministers of Austria and Prussia are commissioned to make to the diet the following communication. (Want of room obliges us to omit this communication and the debate, and we proceed to the concluzion of the protocol.) The following resolution was unanimously adopted:→ this year, for the introduction of uniform ordinances respecting the press, that it may take a final resolution, and it confidently expects, from the zeal of the committee, that it will, as speedily as possible, complete its labors in the spirit of the above representation. (Here follow the signatures.) The king of Great Britain and Ireland, as a German prince, is a party to the preceding conspiracy against the rights of man! PORTUGAL. Don Pedro, with about 7,500 men-1,000 of whom are English and French, appeared off the bar of Oporto on the 8th July, and soon landed all his force in excellent order-Miguel's governor and garrison making all haste to escape. The people received him with lively acclamations. The Miguelites seemed resolved to make a stand at Villa Nova-but were driven off, in a gallant manner. It was supposed that Don Pedro would, at once, march upon Lisbon. On landing at Oporto, he was saluted by the British ship Stag, commanded by sir Thomas Troubridge. One account, speaking of the affair at Villa Nova, says-The troops of Miguel again fled into the interior, after some hard fighting. About this time a most melancholy occurrence took place in the ranks of Miguel. One of his regiments of the line threw up their caps and shouted simultaneously for Donna Maria, when they were immediately hemmed by all his other troops, and nearly the whole of the regiment massacred. MR. VAN BUREN'S ACCEPTANCE. From the Albany Argus of Aug. 16. In order to meet the speculations and misstatements of certain opposition journals, relative to Mr. Van Buren and the vice presidency, we have obtained for publication a copy of the subjoined correspondence, in anticipation of its appearance by the direction of the committee of the Baltimore convention. The letter of the committee and the reply of Mr. Van Buren will speak for themselves. They are pertinent, and worthy of the parties. It will be perceived that Mr. V. B. frankly and explicitly accepts the nomination. CORRESPONDENCE. Baltimore, May 22, 1832. MARTIN VAN BUREN, esq. SIR: At a republican convention, assembled in this place by previous appointinent, you have been nominated as a candidate for the vice presidency, and presented to the people as a suitable person to fill that high and responsible office. That convention has constituted us the organ of communication to you, of this distinguished mark of their confidence. It gives us pleasure to inform you that, though there were other worthy and fa Foreigners at Lisbon were in a state of great anxiety. The tyrant had committed certain new excesses on the persons and property of some of them; and it was expected that the English fleet would re-enter the Tagus to protect them. Miguel had arrested and dungeoned many persons of great distinction. It was believed that the soldiers would join Don Pedro on his approach.vorite individuals of the democratic party, sharing largely in From the Lisbon Gazette of July 4. Being resolved to employ all means to save the monarchy and the honor of the nation, from the most iniquitous aggression that has been attempted against Portugal, I order, for that purpose, and in conformity with the laws, of nature, nations, and of war, that in case the expedition of the rebels should approach the coasts of these kingdoms, Lisbon and all the places on the seacoasts of the kingdom shall be immediately declared in a state of siege, and considered as being so, unless I give orders to the contrary. M. Conde de S. Lourenco, member of the council of state, minister of war, will attend to this, and cause it to be executed, giving the necessarry orders. Palace of Cachias, June 30, 1832, with the signature of his majesty. July 5. Don Pedro's proclamation to the army, on its arrival off Oporto. SOLDIERS! Those are the shores of ill-fated Portugal: there your fathers, sons, wives, and friends, await your arrival, and confide on your courage and generosity. You bring peace to a whole nation, and only war to the hypocritical and despotic government of an usurper. The enterprise is one of glory; the cause is noble, and the victory certain. Your companions in arms will join your ranks, and will be ambitious of the honor of fighting by your side; if there be any, who, forgetting his duty, may continue to defend the cause of despotism, remember, that you have before you the same deluded Portuguese, who, at Villa da Praia, fled before your courage. Conquerors of St. Michael and St. George, whose enthusiasm and valor could not be extinguished by the combats of Villa das Villas, Ursellinu, and Calheta, nor by the impregnable positions of Ladeira, and da Velha! there you have your native country, that calls you: there you will find the rewards of your services, an end to your sufferings, and the completion of your glory! Soldiers! let your cry be-'viva senhora Donna Maria II., and the constitutional charter-protection to the unarmed-generosity to the vanquished.' DON PEDRO, duke of Braganza. EGYPT, SYRIA, &e. A Paris paper of July 15, saya-The Eyptian brig Crocodile, which has arrived at Toulon, has brought intelligence that the fortress of St. Jean d'Acre surrendered to the army of the pacha of Egypt on the 24th ult. MEXICO. A letter from Vera Cruz, dated 20th July, says-Hostilities which had been suspended by the conference, had re-commnenced after its unsuccessful termination. About 450 government troops, which had left Jalapa to attack a body of about 180 inhabitants of that vicinity, in arms for Santa Anna at some distance, after overcoming such resistance as they had the power to make, captured them, and then shot all the officers on the spot. Puente remained in possession of Santa Anna. Senor V. Rocafuerte had been thrown into the common prison of the capital, on account of his known patriotic principles. A rumor stated, that an engagement had taken place in the state of Michoacan, between the government troops and a body who had declared for Santa Anna, which terminated favorably for the latter. Santa Anna's proclamation, dated at head quarters, Vera Cruz, July 15th, contains nothing but an exciting call to arms. The suicide of general Teran is confirmed. He rose early on the 3d, and, after washing and shaving, took his sword and walked into the fields. After some time he was sought for, and found behind a ruinous wall, fallen upon the ground, with his sword sheathed in his breast. -We have three days later accounts from France. About 200 persons were dying daily at Paris of the cholera! The plague is said to have appeared at Constantinople. The probability of a war in Europe is strengthened by new reports. The French were fitting out several men of war. It is said that Prussia will support Holland. Austria was concentrating an army on the borders of Switzerland. The king of Spain is reported as being very sick. The daughter of Louis Philip was to marry Leopold, early in August. their regard, and dividing with you their confidence; yet, when the clear and ascertained will of the respective delegations, indicated you as the preferred object of their wishes, every voice in the convention united in the choice. If the great republican party throughout the union, shall continue faithful to the principles they have so long maintained, and be animated by the same zeal and unanimity which charac terised their representatives in the convention, and in a peculiar manner marked the result of their proceedings, we have every reason to congratulate you and our illustrious president, that there is in reserve for your wounded feelings a just and certain against the well-meant measures of a patriot, whose whole adreparation, and an ample retribution for the injury meditated ministration has been exclusively directed to the advancement of the public good. We are not unaware that our adversaries affect to derive enwhich exists among us. couragement from the diversity of sentiments and interests But we confidently believe that there is disinterestedness of purpose and strength of patriotic sufficient to meet and overcome not only the difficulties arising from this source, but also the powerful and combined opposition arrayed against us. The differences among us, which our opponents have regarded as serious divisions, and to which they look with such fond expectations, will yield, we doubt not, to the dictates of prudence and a sense of political safety, and our free institutions long be preserved. The decided expression of the wishes of the republican party, evinced through their representatives in the convention, induces us to calculate with confidence on your acceptance of the nomination which we are appointed to make known to you. With sentiments of personal respect, we are your fellow citi Kinderhook, August 3d, 1832. GENTLEMEN: I have had the honor to receive your communicently assembled at Baltimore, as a candidate for the office of cation, advising me of my nomination, by the convention revice president of the United States. Previously to my departure from this country, my name had been frequently mentioned in connexion with that office. This however was not done with my approbation; on the contrary, when consulted on the subject, I uniformly declared, that I was altogether unwilling to be considered a candidate for the station. To my friends, whenever opportunity presented, the grounds of this unwillingness were fully explained; and I left them, as I supposed, generally sati fied with my course in this respect, and resolved to recommend, and unite in, the support of some other individual. Since that period my position has been essentially changed, by the circumstance to which you have referred, and to which, rather than to any superior fitness on my part, I am bound to ascribe the decision of the convention, and the warmth and unanimity of feeling with which it would seem to have been accompanied. Viewing it in this light, I cannot but regard this spontaneous expression of confidence and friendship, from the delegated democracy of the union, as laying me under renewed obligations of gratitude to them, and of fidelity to the great interests for whose advancement they were assembled." I feel, also, that I should prove myself unworthy of so much kindness, were I to disregard those obligations, or to shrink from any duties they legitimately imply. Whatever my personal feelings and wishes might otherwise have been, I cannot hesitate as to the course which it now becomes me to pursue; and I therefore cheerfully consent, that the favorable opinion expressed by your constituents, be submitted to the more deliberate judgment of the American people. That those who entertain the same general opinions in regard to the principles on which government ought to be administered, should sometimes disagree both as to measures and to men, especially in a country whose interests are so diversified as our own, is to be expected. It is to be hoped, however, that nothing will occur, to impair the harmony and affection which have hitherto bound together, in one political brotherhood, the republicans of the north and the south, the east and the west; and which, by cementing their union and securing their concerted action, have heretofore contributed so largely to the welfare of the nation. The differences to which you have alluded, grow out of circumstances not easily controlled; yet I cannot but concur with you in the belief that they may be overcome, if our efforts are conceived in a generous spirit of conciliation, and accompanied by a sincere determination not to suffer its operations to be counteracted by personal prejudices or local interests. That such efforts will be made in every quarter of the union, is not to be doubted, and we have therefore no occasion to despair of the safety or permanence of our free institutions. It is also most fortunate for the country, that our public affairs are under the direction of an individual, peculiarly qualified by his early and inflexible devotion to republican principles, and by that moral courage which distinguishes him from all others, to carry the nation triumphantly through the difficulties by which it is encompassed. Thoroughly convinced that the stability and value of our confederated system, depend, under Providence, on a faithful adherence to those principles, I shall ever esteem it a sacred duty, to give them on all occasions my zealous support; and I would humbly hope that this motive, rather than any other, has led me to accept the nomination you have tendered. Accept, gentlemen, for yourselves, my thanks for the kind manner in which you have communicated to me, the proceedings of the dignified assembly over which you presided, and believe me, with the liveliest regard, your friend and obedient servant, To Robert Lucas, esq. president, and M. VAN BUREN. P. V. Daniel, James Fenner, John M. Barclay, and —m�9�མ་་ SPEECH OF MR. BULLARD, OF LOUISIANA. ON THE TARIFF. In the committee of the whole house on the state of the union, June 15, 1832. on the adjacent lakes Concordia, St. Joseph, Providence, and Washington, and on the Yazoo, the cotton planter makes, on an average, from five to six bales, of four hundred pounds, to the hand-planters will understand what I mean by the hand-not every negro on the estate, but able-bodied slaves. I put it down at an average of 2,000 lbs. of clean cotton to the hand, besides the corn which is raised and consumed on the estate. In some parts of the district it may be less, and in some parts certainly a great deal more. I have often known as many as ten bales to the hand raised on many plantations in my district; and the amount I have stated above is certainly rather below than above the truth. I do not now speak of Alabama, of which I know very little, except that it is considered as prosperous, and so admitted to be by one of its representatives, (Mr. Lewis), who has just addressed the committee. I am assured by gentlemen from North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, that their average crop does not exceed three bales to the hand, of 300 lbs., making 900 lbs. Of that I know nothing, and if I err in this statement, I beg gentlemen to set me right. I desire to assure gentlemen that I do not make these comparisons in an invidious spirit, but merely to exhibit the difference of production in the two sections of country. The latitude is nearly the same: our expenses the same; we depend upon a common market, and live under the same system of laws; and yet how different the rewards of industry! No constituent of mine will dispute these statements, and I am ready to answer for them at the ballot box. It is notorious that we are prosperousgetting rich. The planters are every year adding to their stock of slaves, extending their plantations by opening and clearing lands, or by purchases. The price of land is rising rapidly in that cotton district. I ask gentlemen to account for this. Can it be that the same system of laws under which we are so prosperous, is the sole cause of the depression of the same interest in other parts of our common country? Sir, it is generally estimated by us, that the outlay of the planter, víz: the expense of overseer, provisions, medicines, and clothing, amounts to about three cents per pound of his crop. The cotton costs him an advance of about three cents, and whatever he gets above that is the interest on his capital invested in land, slaves and stock. I have before me an authentie statement of the crops of four different plantations, for the two successive years 1829 and 1830, which gives the following results: Average product per hand for the two years Of No. 1, Of No. 3, Of No. 4, eight bales. seven and a half do. I was equally anxious, Mr. Chairman, with the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams), to ascertain what is the precise question before the committee; but I thought I might follow the example of others who have preceded me, and go for a few moments into the general principles of the bill. Neither on this, nor on any other occasion, shall I inflict a long speech upon the committee or the house, nor, indeed, should I have risen at all, The general average of the four plantations for two years was but for the peculiar attitude in which I am placed. I am myself therefore six bales and a half, of four hundred pounds, to the a cotton planter-interested in that branch of industry to the full hand. And the average expense of each effective hand from extent of my means, and completely identified with the great forty-five to fifty dollars. 1 vouch for the correctness of these planting interests of the south." At the same time, it is but fair statements. With these facts before the committee, it is hardly to myself and to the house, to say, what is indeed already known, necessary I should repeat, that the people in the part of the that I am acting in obedience to certain resolutions of the legis-country where I reside, and which I in part represent, are proslature of Louisiana, adopted some years ago, almost unanimous- perous and contented. Indeed, the stream of capital flowing in ly, approving the general principles of the protective policy of that direction, and seeking investment in that same branch of inthis country. Let it not be understood that it is merely in obe-dustry, is constant and increasing. As I entered this hall I dience to those resolutions I give my support to the system: I do learned, from good authority, that fifty or sixty thousand dollars it from the conviction of my own mind, strengthened by my own are now on their way to Virginia, from a single county in my dis-. observation and experience. trict, to purchase additional slaves. If we are oppressed and I owe it to myself further to premise, that I am not interested, ground down by taxation, we have the singular good fortune neto the amount of one farthing, in sugar, nor the culture of the ver to have discovered it-never to have felt it, and people are sugar cane, no more than any other member of this house. I very apt to feel what affects their pockets. Sir, when philosolive on the border, on the line of separation, which divides the phy tells you that the human body sustains constantly a weight great cotton and sugar interests-where they are in close juxta of more than thirty thousand pounds from atmospheric pressure, position-to use a military phrase, en presence. My constituents the mind is at first startled at the proposition. But, by a simple are partly cotton planters, and partly sugar planters. One would and beautiful experiment, she demonstrates this truth. I should be apt to suppose that my position, was a delicate one in rela-be thankful to gentlemen for a similar demonstration when they tion to this subject. And yet, sir, would you believe it, the cot- assert that the whole planting interest of the south is crushed ton planters of my district, though they differ among themselves under the intolerable burthen of taxation. When I say that we in opinion on the subject of the tariff, do not differ to the extent are not conscious of being burthened by the tariff, I don't mean they do in other parts of the southern country, if I may judge to say that there is no difference of opinion on that subject. from the extraordinary proofs of it which have been exhibited Many are of the opinion that cotton would sell better if we had here. They differ about it as they do about other speculative no tariff. Indeed, sir, I have heard some singular opinions about questions of politics and political economy. But, sir, they do it. I remember one very honest man, a warm partisan of the not think of quarrelling about it, and they do not feel nor com- president, who was very much enraged at the general's voting plain that they are oppressed-grievously burdened by its opera- for the tariff of 1824, and particularly for the duty on cotton bagtion: on the contrary, that section of country is prosperous-ging. What conception do you think, sir, he had formed of a tahighly prosperous and contented. rift? He had got into his head that it was a kind of new-fangled government gin, that had been sent round to New Orleans, and that every planter was obliged to have his crop giuned over, and that the government retained a toll. I laughed at him; and as to cotton bagging, (I intended to say something on that subject, and it may as well be in connexion with this anecdote), I reminded him that cotton bagging bad sometimes been as high as forty, fifty, and even seventy cents the yard, for want of a steady domestic supply; and that, if the effect should be to give us a regular supply, at a steady, moderate price, it would be much better for us; and that, when that article rose to seventy cents, we paid a greater tax to Scotland, in a single year, than we would to our own government in twenty years under the tariff. After an experience of eight years I believe I was more than half right: and so much for cotton bagging. There is no propensity of the human mind more strong than that of attributing effects to doubtful or inadequate causes-of setting up a certain theory or system, and then seizing upon every fact which can render it plausible. Sir, I am wedded to no such theory: I have endeavored, during the last eighteen years that I have resided in the cotton region, to observe facts-to treasure them up-to classify them: to notice all the phenomena of production and consumption, under all the phases of your legisla tion. I have not been satisfied with one fact or with two, but have observed again, and waited for what I think lord Bacon calls the instantia crucis, before I made up my opinion as to the operation of this system. I intend to bring some of these facts to the notice of the house, without contracting the statements or combatting the opinions of others; and more particularly, those facts within my own knowledge, which, compared with the statements of others, go to exhibit the comparative productiveness of the two great subdivisions of the cotton region. In the section of country where I reside, and in some places in the vicinity, particularly on the alluvial soils of the Mississippi, With these facts before us, while it is shown that in certain portions of the southwest at least, we make so much more to the hand than they do in South Carolina and Georgia, permit me to ask whether the difference of soil and cultivation ought not to come in for a share of the blame of the depressed condition of the agriculture of those states? Whether it is attributable altoge- | own consumption." In other words, the theory seems to be ther to the protective system? The production, it would seem, that the planter, merely as producer, suffers a loss equal to the is in the proportion of 2,000 to 900. Without looking beyond average of duties on the imports, which is said to be forty or this single fact, is it extraordinary that, while we are prosperous, forty-five per cent. Let us look a little into this doctrine. If it the business there should be hardly worth pursuing? Not only is be true that the planter, independently of his consumption of that interest in a flourishing condition in my section of country, imported articles, suffers a loss on his crop equal to the average but the cotton planters are in a more prosperous condition-less rate of duties at the custom house, it must be imposed and sufembarrassed-than the sugar planters, and we have been com- fered either in the sale or in the diminished production: that is pelled to sustain, for many years, their competition in the slave to say, it must affect either the price or the quantity produced. market. In common with many others I once had the folly to I cannot conceive of any other operation-any other mode in think of making sugar, but I abandoned it at considerable loss, in which such a burthen can press on the producer. Now, sir, order to prosecute the more lucrative business of making cotton, when I go to market with my crop, I receive the market price and ploughed up nearly seventy acres of cane. in money. I do what I please with the money. I can take it After these minutiæ, sir, relative to the productiveness of the in specie and bury it, or employ it in the purchase of slaves and fresh and more fertile lands of the southwest, compared with that additional lands, or in paying the expenses of my family. I of the southern Atlantic states, permit me to look at the results meet, as competing purchasers, the English, French and Ameon a great scale: and here I depend not on facts within my own rican manufacturers; the demand and the supply at the time knowledge, but on authentic returns-and let us see whether we establish the price. Does the French manufacturer pay you are not brought to the same conclusions. The cotton crop of twenty per cent. more because the cotton goes to France to pay 1830 is known to have amounted to three hundred and seventy- for articles which pay a less duty on their importation? Does six millions of pounds, in round numbers. Of this, the southern the English purchaser deduct forty-five per cent. when he makes Atlantic states, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, his bargain with you, because English cloths or cutlery are subproduced one hundred and forty-eight millions; and the south-jected to that rate of duty? After the sale, the fluctuation of western states, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisi-price, or the ultimate destination of the cotton, does not affect ana, and the territory of Arkansas, two hundred and twenty- the planter. To him it is of no importance whether his cotton eight millions. According to the census of the same year, the is sent to Europe, as a remittance to pay for importations, or southern Atlantic states contained 779,597 slaves, and the south-coastwise, to be manufactured or consumed in the United States. western states 439,544; that is to say, 340,053 less than the If, by any juggling, there is a deduction of forty or fifty per cent. former. Allowing, as I am assured by gentlemen, that two- from the price, at the moment of the sale, no farmer has ever thirds only of the slaves of Tennessee and North Carolina are yet had the sagacity to discover or detect it. The farmer feels employed in the culture of cotton, they may, like equal quanti-that, when he has received his money, he has no longer an inties, be thrown out of the calculation. Let us suppose that the terest in the destination of his crop. It has been mingled with culture of rice in South Carolina equals that of sugar in Loui- the great mass of national commerce, and has passed beyond his siana, and in this, perhaps, I am not making a good bargain, and control and beyond his care. With this supposed loss of nearly if I err, gentlemen can correct me; but if correct, then it follows half their income, the planters of my district have been getting that an equal proportion of labor is applied, in each of those di- rich even at the reduced prices. Can this be one of the laws of visions of the cotton region, to the production of the article. trade? How happens it that so important an element of price And yet it is seen that, with three hundred and forty thousand has not sooner been discovered? slaves less, the southwestern states produced eighty millions of pounds more than the southern Atlantic states. I state this as an existing fact, for the consideration of gentlemen who are desirous of contributing effects to their legitimate causes; I submit it to their consideration, whether the superior productiveness of the southwest may not have contributed in some measure, by its powerful competition, to depress the prosperity of the south-cent. of his crop, as producer, compared with me? If he sells ern Atlantic states, which some gentlemen seem to attribute exclusively to the legislation of the country. It is certain that we can produce cotton much cheaper than they can, and while we are prosperous even at the present prices, it may be a losing business to them. I appeal to them, whether, in candor and good faith, they ought not to take this important element into their calculations? This simple statement presents, indeed, an extraordinary phenomenon. In 1819 the whole export of cottons from the United States was less than eighty-eight millions of pounds. In twelve years it has nearly quadrupled. The southwestern states alone produce an excess over that of the other cotton growing states, of nearly the amount exported at that period, and equalling the amount manufactured in France in 1817. I desire to be understood distinctly, that I contradict no statement of facts: I quarrel with no opinions of others, advanced during this debate; and particularly by gentlemen who represent other parts of the cotton region. I owe it to myself, to the state which I in part represent, and to the house, at this interesting crisis, to be explicit as well as fair, in the statements which I make. My constituents will judge of them, though I do not mean to intimate that I am manufacturing a speech for their exclusive use, as some gentlemen have avowed in the course of this discussion. Let me suppose a case: My neighbor has purchased in England $5,000 worth of broadcloths, which paid on their importation a duty, we will say, of fifty per cent. I have purchased books for the same amount, which came in duty free; we both remit an equal quantity of cotton; it sells for the same price; he pays for his cloth, and I for my books; has he lost fifty per his cloth with the duty added, he loses nothing; if he keeps his cloth he loses as consumer and not as producer, of the value which he exchanged for it. It was perfectly voluntary on his part; he might have received the money or books. Again, sir: If it be so in relation to cotton, the same law must apply to all the productions of the country which find their way to Europe, as a remittance to pay for the importations of the country. The gold which is dug from the rich mines of North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, is as much a produce of industry as the cotton that grows on the surface of the earth. Both the product of labor and capital. The ingots of bullion amassed by the miner, and the cotton bales of the planter, are precisely alike. The only difference is, that the gold has a more fixed value. Now I ask the miner of North Carolina, whether it makes the slightest difference to him whether his bullion goes to Hamburgh, to be worked up into jewelry, to Geneva, to be used in making watches, or to England, to pay for imported manufactures? And yet I was surprised to hear the honorable gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Clayton), say that the southern gold mines also were to be more than decimated for the benefit of the manufacturers and the treasury. If, then, the producer, as such, is not directly taxed in the sale of his staple, it must follow that the only operation of the tariff injurious to the south, is either the burthen it imposes on consumption, or by paralyzing the powers of production. One would suppose, sir, that its effect in the last sixteen years, if it had discouraged production, would have exhibited itself somewhere. How has it operated? At the date of the tariff of 1816, the production of cotton in the United States was 110,256,289 lbs. of which about twenty-seven millions were manufactured at home and the balance exported; and in 1830, as I have shown you, the production had risen to three hundred and seventy-six millions, of which seventy-seven millions are manufactured in the United States. Here you have, in fifteen years, an increased production of about two hundred and sixty-five millions of pounds. One would think this fact alone would go far towards accounting for the fall of prices, and certainly proves that production has not been discouraged. Whether, therefore, you examine this matter in detail and minute analysis, bale by bale, and hand by hand, or whether you look at it in its great and visible results, it is most apparent that the average production of the southwest vastly exceeds that of the Atlantic border; I will not hazard an opinion as to the exact proportion, but, if the statements I have had from gentlemen from those states be correct, it must be in the ratio of 2,000 to 900. When I made these statements to a distinguished and gifted gentleman from the south, his remark was, "you will drive us from the cotton market." Sir, I will not say that his answer reveals a great secret, but certainly it is worthy of serious and anxious reflection. Indeed, as competition brings down the price of any agricultural product, inferior soils are necessarily abandoned. I see this illustrated in my own immediate neigh borhood: in some parts of it, cotton is hardly worth raising, and the people are trying whether sugar will be more profitable. I have thought myself called on to make these statements of I did not intend, sir, to have detained you so long with these undoubted facts, without pretending to obtrude any poor opidry details, and I proceed, without pretending to answer, simply nions of mine upon the committee. The facts will speak for themto examine and analyse the theory that the producer pays all the selves. It has been said, that this system offers us no compentaxes imposed by this system. Let us state it in the words of sations-no offsets to the burthens which it imposes. Sir, we the committee of ways and means: "The burthens imposed up- are foolish enough to think otherwise. Whatever may have on the planting states by the taxation, prohibition, and disburse- been thought of this policy originally, we think that we begin to ments, of the federal government, are more than equal to the feel its wholesome re-action. In the first place, it has given us amount of taxes levied upon those imports which are obtained a new market and a new customer. It keeps the price steain exchange for the three great agricultural staples of cotton, dier. Merchants in New Orleans will tell you that the presence tobacco, and rice. That a duty upon import is equivalent to of the American manufacturers keep up the price about two the same amount of duty upon the export which has been ex- cents in the pound higher than it would be without them-perchanged for it, is but a self-evident proposition to all who cor- haps not more than one cent in the pound. Another thing, rectly comprehend its import. The planter is as injuriously fabrics of cotton have been introduced, which are peculiar to affected by the one as by the other, without any reference to his❘ this country. For example, sheetings, shirtings and cotton |