present conditions. Those who are inclined to be friendly to the American rule fear that, in case of American withdrawal, they would become victims of the extremists; while those who are fanatically opposed to American rule argue that, as Congress gives no decisive word, the American occupation is likely to soon end. They argue, and rightly, that if we mean to stay, there can be no harm in Congress saying so, and thus ending their suspense; but that so long as the Americans themselves are undecided, the Filipinos are justified in pushing their contentions. They state that, since the service of the present military force of the United States will expire by limitation on June 30, 1901, it is therefore clearly the intent of Congress to give independence at that date. This uncertainty of condi tions retards business and social interests; it operates to the detriment of everybody in the islands, and, unless made necessary by exigent political reasons at home, should be at once ended by decisive and authoritative action on the part of Congress.

II. A system of public schools, with government aid and superintendence.

Under the Spanish rule, the friars, nuns, and priests did a great deal in this line, but at present there is no organized system in operation. The rifle may secure temporary cessation of strife; but the rifle is an expensive and barbarous method of keeping the peace. It appeals to

the worst side of human nature. The schoolhouse, on the other hand, brings domestic tran quillity through the cultivation of the higher attributes. Through education alone can we hope for any permanent tranquillity. When we get these people educated to see there is more enter tainment in contesting an election or other principle-in court than by bullets, we shall have made a long step forward.

The country is divided into municipios, and these are divided into barrios. Tanauan, for example, is a municipio of about 60 square miles, divided into one pueblo and 26 barrios, with a total population of 20,000. There are 27 schools in operation in this municipio at the present date (June, 1900), with a total attendance of 1,782. But there are no schoolhouses, few books, and no funds. The teachers are paid by subscription, and less than one-third of those of school age are in attendance. This municipio is far in advance. Many have no schools at all in operation, and many others none outside of the cen tral pueblo.

Government aid should be given in the following directions :

1. Every barrio with 50 pupils of school age should have a school, and the teacher should be

partially paid by the government of the islands from public revenues. A per-diem allowance (Mex.) of two cents per pupil would be ample assistance in this direction, an equal amount being paid by the barrio or municipio.

2. Every such barrio should have a substantial schoolhouse. The material should be furnished by the government, the labor of construction by the barrio.

3. A graded system of uniform text-books should be supplied by the government-primary, intermediate, and advanced-at the bare cost of printing, together with all other necessary facili ties in the way of maps, globes, charts, blackboards, etc. This supply should be lavish, and should include a good course in the English language and literature.

4. A trained American teacher should be installed as superintendent of public instruction in each municipio. He should establish the necessary schools, supervise their operation, conduct classes in English and teachers' institutes, and be paid entirely by the general government of the islands.

This system would necessitate a bureau of public education, and would cost some money; but it is very much cheaper than military suppres sion of Spanish-Malay insurrections. The schoolhouse means stability, law, order, and intelligent appeal to judicial arbitrament instead of arms.

III. Improved appliances for agriculture.

It is positively pitiable to see the tools the farmers work with. Plows, harrows, hoes-everything dates about 300 B.C. They get less than half of the products of the ground, owing to their crude methods, and the ground could be made, by proper cultivation, to yield three times what it does. There is a great market here for Ameri can agricultural tools. At the same time there is a field for the agricultural bureau of the gov ernment to work in. The cocoa industry is much troubled in some parts of the islands by a blight which has its origin in some kind of an insect. A scientific study should be made of this, with a view to its prevention, just as the fruit industry of northern New York is constantly protected by scientific study of conditions. Similarly, there is raging in southern Luzon, and has been for three years, a pestilence among the cattle. The writer very well remembers the Texas Fever" plague in the Mississippi Valley from 1878 to 1885. This has been effectually rooted out by scientific prevention. The same kind of work should be done here.

IV. Facilities for transportation and communi

cation.

These are now of the most primitive description. There is only one short railroad, and this

Mili

most paying thing I know of in the way of an investment at the present time would be a rail. road from Manila to Batangas, all easy country, with few grades and few bridges, and tapping the garden-spot of the island of Luzon. tary telegraphs are going up, but commercial lines will have to keep pace with the development of the country. There are along this line great forests, rich mines, flourishing towns, and vast fertile fields, in a high though crude state of cultivation. The products are sugar, syrup, copra, oranges, bananas, tobacco, lumber, and various manufactured articles. Coal and copper can be found in abundance. The northern provinces are said to present similar conditions. Such things as electric and gas light plants,

IT

street railroads, etc., must follow in their turn. Water-power is frequent, but not utilized.

V. Readjustment of the tariff relations with the United States, so as to draw these people into more intimate business relations with our country.

This was illustrated so recently in the case of Porto Rico that no discussion is necessary.

There are many other much-needed things; but the above are the most pressing needs of these islands. Only one of these can be even begun by the military government-the school problem. This has been begun; locally, as in the case of the municipio cited, and in a more general manner by the appointment of a suitable officer to take charge of this department and elaborate a system. What can be done by the military is being done promptly and intelligently.

T is plain to every man in the street that the form of the future government of China must be settled largely by the powers that are now sending armies and fleets to save, if possi ble, the lives of their ministers and citizens in North China. It is equally axiomatic that the monstrous abortion miscalled a government that caused or permitted the present situation to become possible will not be continued. The Empress Dowager and all her crowd of reactionary, learned, and venerable fools have numbered and finished their own days. They opened the cave of Eolus, and the storm that burst forth will sweep them off the earth.

But what next? There are three possible methods of procedure:

1. Restore the rightful Emperor, Kuang Hsü, to the throne.

2. Establish a new dynasty under a protecto

rate.

3. Partition the empire among the powers. Of these three plans, the first is by far the best. But at present it is not known whether his Majesty is still living or not. He is in the hands of his bitter enemies. We know that these villains are desperate and without conscience. There is but faint hope that he has been spared. A large number of influential Chinese and Manchus have recently sent a joint petition to the governments at Washington, London, and Tokyo asking them to unite in an effort to restore Kuang Hsü to his

throne. If he is alive and able to assume the responsibility, it seems in every degree probable that upon the entrance of the allied armies into Peking this rightful ruler will be at once restored to power. Under such circumstances, it is practically certain that his government would be, for a time at least, largely dominated by foreigners. His ministers of state would be, in part, carefully selected Western statesmen. His army and navy would be under foreign officers. The finances of the empire especially would be in charge of Western men. The friendly attitude of America toward China will tend to give her citizens a large proportion of these foreign officials. other nations will be less jealous of Americans than of Europeans in these places of responsibility and trust. So it is probable that America will, if the Emperor is reinstated, have a large share in the reconstruction of China.

The

When the shackles of this medieval system of civil-service examinations are broken, and rational methods of modern education are substituted, the Chinese will very rapidly learn to adapt themselves to the new régime. Within a generation they may be able to manage their own internal affairs with little or no foreign aid.

The restoration of the Emperor would be hailed with delight by the great mass of the Chinese nation. There would be no delicate international difficulties to adjust. A lawful government would at once assume control. The country

would be saved from a season of uncertainty as to who is in authority, which is so much to be dreaded in a semi-civilized country like China.

But what if the murder of Kuang Hsü has been added to the long list of the crimes of this wicked Empress? Then the question of a government established by the powers for 300,000,000 Chinese becomes much more complicated. There is no living heir-apparent except the nineyear-old boy who was forced upon the empire last February. But as his father is supposed to be the real head of the Boxer Society, and is certainly in active sympathy with them, it is entirely impossible that the allies should recognize this little pretender as having any claims to the throne. It is always a difficult thing to found a new dynasty; but in China there are more than ordinary obstacles to be overcome. According to Chinese belief, the Emperor is the Son of Heaven. He is the father of his people; his person is sacred. A new man foisted upon the empire by foreigners would not be able to inspire the reverence that the disciple of Confucius must have in order to give loyal support to his sovereign.

For the powers to manufacture a purely foreign government and harmoniously carry it on from Peking, would be a feat that seems scarcely within the range of possibility while human nature is in its present unregenerate state. Nevertheless, a new dynasty might be established under a strong foreign protectorate. Where there is a will there is generally a way. If the powers can agree among themselves, and will consult with and conciliate the leading reformers and best men of the empire, it may be possible to reconstruct the government and hold the country together until it grows strong enough to stand alone. It would require statesmanship of the highest order, and a degree of unselfishness that is rare in this world. It would be natural for China and Europe to turn to America for much of the help needed in carrying out a plan like this. The American policy of the "open door" would give confidence that such power would not be abused by the government at Washington. It would be a new thing under the sun to see so vast a population governed even temporarily by an ecumenical protectorate. It looks utopian. It would be a magnificent experiment.

This

But if the Emperor has been made away with, and a new dynasty cannot be successfully launched by the allied powers, it seems there would remain but one other alternative-partition. is not what America wants. It is not for the highest interests of China nor of the world. It would ultimately necessitate great standing armies, and expensive fortifications along unnatural

frontiers. It would make free circulation of commerce difficult, if not impossible. It would involve a long period of reconstruction, when life and property would be unsafe all through the vast interior. It would be certain to engender bitter race hatred and strife in many sections of the country. It is by no means a pleasant prospect to contemplate. even from the most optimistic standpoint. But it is well for America to face the possible necessity of being forced to this solution of the vexed problem of the far East.

In case China must be partitioned, what right has America to stand by and say to the more distant powers, "You govern these people while I exploit them!" The case was different when it seemed as though the European nations were about to carve up China in cold blood, to satisfy their own greed. Then it was eminently proper for Secretary Hay to take the stand that he did last year, when he insisted that, as America was not a party to the proposed partition, neither would she consent to being discriminated against by the despoilers. But here we have an altogether unlooked for situation. The whole world finds itself thrown upon the defensive by the hostile act of the government of China, so called. Side by side with the other nations, an American army is marching to Peking to rescue her minister and citizens from a terrible fate-or, if need be, avenge their death by wiping out the most corrupt and barbarous government of modern times. A responsibility comes upon every one of these parties that has engaged in the overthrow of the existing régime in China, to aid in establishing a new and capable government in the place of the one destroyed. If the outcome should make it necessary for the powers to govern China in sections, instead of from a central authority, America cannot honorably stand aloof. It will be a stupendous "white man's burden," thrown upon the nations of the West. We believe the Anglo-Saxon peoples are best qualified for the task, both by nature and by training; and it will, of necessity, largely fall upon them. It is to be most earnestly hoped that the first or the second of the plans outlined above will be found practicable when Peking is entered by the allied armies. But if not, the contingency of partition must be faced. The American people have yet to learn to shirk national responsibility, when forced upon them in the unselfish discharge of duty. The dawn of the twentieth century is too late to begin to learn a lesson so ignoble.

Whether the solution of the Chinese problem be restoration, protection, or partition, it seems certain that America, the newest world power, will have a leading part in shaping the future of this the most ancient of empires.

THE

HE news of the murder of the King of Italy came upon Europe with the shock of the proverbial bolt from the blue. For some time past there had been no manifestations of discontent. The recent general election had resulted in the return of over a hundred Socialists and anti-Monarchists, which afforded a free constitutional vent for the popular dissatisfaction with the high-handed actions of the late ministry, and the fall of General Pelloux while still possessing a majority of the Chamber, and the installation of his successor, had pledged the ministry that the unconstitutional measures which were resorted to by its predecessor should not be repeated, and had, it was thought, disarmed even the most malcontent.

The King was at Monza, distributing prizes in the midst of an enthusiastic populace. The ceremony was complete, and he was driving away amid the cheers of the multitude, when suddenly the assassin dashed forward, sprang upon the carriage-steps, and fired in rapid succession three shots, which took fatal effect. Italy had lost its monarch, and the European community had received one of those sudden and violent blows which are felt from the center to the circumference, making every crowned head and ruling personage feel how frail is the security against the attack of a determined assassin. is well not to exaggerate things; and the late King himself was the author of a famous saying, often quoted in these latter days, that attempts at

It

assassination were among the inevitable risks of his profession. He uttered this bon mot after the failure of the second attempt, when he received the congratulations of his courtiers with characteristic nonchalance.

Monarchs and all those who tower head and shoulders above the dead-level of the multitude are become targets not merely for the marksmen of discontent, but for the anarchist and the madman. It is one of the penalties of being con. spicuous. There is no khaki for monarchs and for presidents; and the marvel is, considering the notoriety which attaches to successful assassination, that attempts are not much more frequent. No doubt there are a great many more than the world ever hears of; for it is only when they get so far as to actually occur in public that the press, that sounding-board of civili zation, spreads the echo of the shot throughout the land until there is not a village or hamlet in Europe which is not all agog with the news of the latest crime meditated against the ruler of a people. The last previous attempt of the kind, which was fortunately unsuccessful, was that in which crazy Sipido attempted to kill the Prince of Wales; but the last great tragedy in which the assassin was successful was that of the Empress of Austria-a lady against whom even her murderer could allege nothing except that she belonged to the royal caste, and challenged destruction as an emblem of the social order which he wished to destroy.

When the first attempt was made to kill King Humbert by Passanante at Naples, shortly after his accession to the throne, the would-be murderer sprang upon the steps of the carriage, dagger in hand, and struck what he hoped would be a fatal blow at the King's person. Signor Cairoli flung himself between the King and his assailant, and received in his shoulder the blow which was meant for Humbert's heart. From that day, whenever the King drove abroad in Rome, he always rode in a lofty phaëton, the steps of which were carefully folded up so as to provide no foothold for any assassin who attempted to repeat the crime of Passanante. A very striking feature of Rome was the King's anti-assassination phaëton; for whereas, in the ordinary victoria or landau, the seat is very little raised above the axle, the King in his phaëton was so high up in the air as to be quite inaccessible to any sudden attack. Possibly if the King had used his phaëton at Monza, he would have foiled the attack of Bressi. As it is, the throne has been vacated, one more monarch's scalp has been added to the gory bead-roll of the assassin; and a shudder of added unrest, disquietude, and uneasiness has been contributed to a situation already the reverse of attractive to persons of nervous temperament.

Di mortuis nil nisi bonum is not a maxim which needs to be invoked in order to secure silence as to the deeds of the dead monarch. He was neither a bad man nor a bad king. He was, in many respects, an unobjectionable monarch. It may be objected that the present time is one in which it is impossible to tolerate mediocrities on the throne. But King Humbert could never claim to rank among the great sovereigns of his time.

Personally he always displayed the courage of his house. Those who knew him maintain that he was a born fatalist, with a rooted disbelief in the possibility of individual action or personal will operating as material factors in the evolution of events. When he saw his duty clearly. he did it with all the unconcern of a soldier ordered into battle. When the cholera was raging at Naples, he visited the patients in the cholera hospitals, paying no regard to the warnings and protests of those who considered that he was unduly jeopardizing the life of the King of Italy In all similar circumstances when the question was personal, and when the duty of the man, the soldier, and the sovereign was clear and unmistakable, he faced death with indifference; nor is there any proof that the repeated attempts of the assassin in the slightest degree affected his nerve.

In matters political he did not display the same intrepidity; he was, indeed, cautious almost to

the verge of timidity. There is a curious anecdote of the excessive precautions which he took before venturing to substitute his own arms for those of Pope Pius IX. on the Palace of the Quirinal. The royal residence in the capital, like most of the other public buildings occupied by the Italian Government, at one time belonged to the Vatican. The statues of the Apostles still adorn the walls of the Quirinal, and an inscription dating from Papal times still reminds the passerby of its original owners. But the King, while tolerating the Apostles and the inscription, resented the presence of the Pontifical arms of Pio Nono. One fine day a fire was reported in the palace, and flames were seen to be bursting from a small window immediately below the ob jectionable carving. They were extinguished without difficulty, but not before the smoke and flames had blackened and disfigured the Papal coat-of arms. This being the case, King Humbert ordered their removal and substituted his own. But before the new coat of arms was in its place, all Rome was laughing over the story that the King had arranged the fire in order to afford him an excuse for his action. A small bonfire was made in the room immediately below the coat-of-arnis, with the express purpose of affording an excuse for the alteration which the King did not feel himself strong enough to make of his own motion. It is added that this coatof-arms is the one solitary outward and visible sign of his presence in Rome.

He

He has been sincerely free from the mania which possessed so many of the rulers of the Eternal City to perpetuate their memories by the erection of great buildings and splendid monuments, or the construction of public works. built nothing, he repaired nothing, and he passed away, after his twenty years' reign, leaving nothing behind to commemorate his presence in the City of the Cæsars. This was characteristic of the man. He was singularly free from all love of ostentation or parade. He was a simple man

simple in his tastes, and never so pleased as when he could escape from his palace and his court and betake himself to his favorite pastime of the Piedmontese hunter. Although King of Italy, he was always Piedmontese, loving to talk in the Piedmontese dialect so much that the tenure of the Giolletti Ministry was regarded as perceptibly more secure because Giolletti was one of the few Italian premiers who could talk to the King in his own patois.

He had behind him no such record as that which endeared Victor Emmanuel to the hearts of his subjects. Neither in private nor in public did he display those traits which captivate the fancy of the multitude. The Roman populace,