TH

HE Republican National Convention at Philadelphia, last month, renominated for President of the United States William McKinley, of Ohio.

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At such a time as this, when our people are approaching a political contest in which fundamental issues, involving both domestic policy and our relations to foreign peoples, are at stake, his record as President, and his position with gard to these policies, are legitimately before the people for discussion. For this reason, in this brief review, which is aimed to be partly a character sketch and partly a summary of the more important of his acts as President, we will not dwell at length on his well-known life

to every one who keeps in touch with the cur rent history of leading men and events.

On the 4th of March, 1897, he assumed the duties of the exalted office of President of the United States. It was a time of marked industrial depression. Business and commerce were

after a gallant military service in the Civil War began the practice of law at Canton; how he entered Congress, and by dint of his ability and study became the leader of his party; how he became Governor of Ohio, -all this has been fully told, not only in the pages of this REVIEW, but in all the American press, until it is familiar

currency. This prompt action in convening Congress, and the resultant passage of the Dingley law, unquestionably hastened the return of national prosperity.

Under that law revenues revived, and with stable tariff conditions assured, the industries of the country slowly recovered from their depres

sion. The intimate relations existing under the old financial laws between adequate revenues and the credit of governmental currency soon led to a restoration of public confidence; and even before the passage of the gold-standard law, gold was freely offered at the Treasury in exchange for greenbacks.

THE PRESIDENT AND CURRENCY REFORM.

The deficiency in revenues under the Wilson law, and the commercial panic of 1893, with the ensuing business depression, had exposed the inherent weakness of our currency system. This weakness resulted from a disproportion between the demand currency liabilities of the Government and the gold in the Treasury to redeem them, and the further fact that after these currency liabilities had been redeemed in gold they could again be paid out for expenses, thus enabling the public to again present them for redemption, causing what was commonly known as the endless chain."

After the success of the Republican party upon its platform of sound money in a campaign in which this weakness formed one of the chief subjects of discussion, several plans of currency and banking reform were presented to the public and discussed generally in the press. It is highly creditable to the President's discernment and breadth of view that he avoided complicated recommendations, confining himself to urging the enactment of a provision which would remedy the weakness of our financial system without involving the business of the country in the dangers incident to radical legislative experiments with currency laws.

His recommendation, made in his first annual message and repeated in his second, went to the very gist of the trouble; and it is the cornerstone of the financial law which Congress passed at its last session.

In his first annual message to Congress, the President said:

I earnestly recommend, as soon as the receipts of the Government are quite sufficient to pay all the expenses of the Government, that when any of the United States notes are presented for redemption in gold and are redeemed in gold, such notes shall be kept and set apart and only paid out in exchange for gold.

In his second annual message to Congress, after renewing his recommendation of the year before, he said:

In my judgment the condition of the Treasury amply justifies the immediate enactment of the legislation recommended one year ago, under which a portion of the gold holdings shall be placed in a trust fund from which greenbacks should be redeemed upon presenta tion, but when once redeemed should not thereafter be paid out except for gold.

To the President's plain and simple presenta tion of a fundamental remedy, and his avoidance of the recommendation of extensive and experi mental plans, the people of the country largely owe the present stable and safe condition of our entire financial system.

THE ANNEXATION OF HAWAII.

Almost as if foreseeing by intuition the neces sity for the annexation of Hawaii, as later revealed by the tremendous events of the following years, the President early in his administration recommended to Congress the annexation of those islands. The importance of this step, both from the standpoint of the best interests of the islanders and of our own people, now seen so clearly by all, was not then so apparent; and, but for the earnest and aggressive attitude of the President, annexation would have failed. During the pendency of the Hawaiian question, speaking of the islands, he said to a visitor: need Hawaii just as much as, and a good deal more than, we did California. Although greater questions of territory have since come to us as the inevitable incidents of unavoidable war, the annexation of these beautiful islands was the first step in the new and broader life upon which this republic has entered, and from which neither duty nor self-interest will allow it to turn back.

MINOR PROBLEMS BEFORE THE EXECUTIVE.

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The careful attention which, notwithstanding the absorbing nature of extraordinary questions arising during the present administration, has been given to less prominent duties of the kind with which every President must deal, is a testimonial to the thoroughness that has directed our national affairs for the last three years. The pressing questions of tariff and finance have had the attention demanded by our business interests. The delicate problem of such a revision of the merit system of civil service as would remove therefrom the dangers to its permanence arising from too rigid application of theory was for many months a subject of the most serious consideration by the President and the members of his cabinet, and the operation of the amendments. finally adopted is daily proving their wisdom. Provisions for Alaska's growing needs have been arranged, and the necessary legislation has been enacted. The disposition of Porto Rican affairs and the formation of a government for that island have had no less careful deliberation.

The country sees the rise and disposition of questions of great moment to its welfare, but, from want of knowledge of details, gives little heed to the daily round of a President's labors, including the constant direction of affairs of state, the con

sideration of appointments, the handling of such matters as the Pacific Railroad's indebtedness, domestic difficulties requiring federal intervention, the approval of the countless minor acts of Congress, and a multitude of other duties. As evidence of President McKinley's tact may be cited his policy in regard to the vetoing of bills which come before him for action. The statement has frequently been made that he never vetoes bills, implying either that he gives them but slight examination or leaves it for others to do for him. Probably no incumbent of the executive office has given more thorough examination and careful thought to every document to which he appended his signature. But the object of the veto has been compassed in many instances by sending for the authors of the objectionable bills and pointing out to them the evident inaccuracies or inconsistencies. The result has usually been a request from Congress for the return of the bill. Where the case is meritorious, a new bill without the objections of the old one has been passed and approved by the President. This has in no way abridged the prerogative of the executive; but it has expedited legislation, and tended to maintain cordial relations.

THE DISAPPEARANCE OF SECTIONALISM.

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The complete obliteration of sectional lines, of the spirit of exultation and intolerance on the one side, defiance and intolerance on the other, has at last been happily achieved and William McKinley may well look back with satisfaction upon the part he has borne in the work of reconciliation. The influence of his example, the power of his position, and all the force of his ability have constantly been given to this end; and his gratification at the fulfillment of so noble an inspiration found voice at Atlanta in words deserving of perpetuation-Reunited-one country again and one country forever! Proclaim it from the press and pulpit; teach it in the schools; write it across the skies! The world sees and feels it; it cheers every heart North and South, and brightens the life of every American home! Let nothing ever strain it again! At peace with all the world and with each other, what can stand in the pathway of our progress and prosperity ?"

Upon the field of Antietam, the President recently spoke again upon this subject, and said: "Standing here to-day, one reflection only has crowded my mind-the difference between this scene and that of thirty-eight years ago. Then the men who wore the blue and the men who wore the gray greeted each other with shot and shell, and visited death upon their respective ranks We meet, after all these intervening

years, with but one sentiment-that of loyalty to the Government of the United States, love of our flag and our free institutions, and determined, men of the North and men of the South, to make any sacrifice for the honor and perpetuity of the American nation."

THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR.

The Spanish-American War, in its causes and results, will go into history as one of the most remarkable and distinctive conflicts of modern times. Standing at its threshold, one saw in retrospect generations of oppression and cruelty, colonial systems that were either corrupt military despotisms or the barest shadows of representative government; and, permeating all, a selfeffacing, soul-warping denial of rights dear to the great heart of mankind. Years of misrule had left an accumulated burden of bitterness and woe that found expression in solemn protest, in threatening outburst, and finally in open rebellion against the mother-country.

In the distant Pacific the Philippine Islands were repeatedly the scene of such outbreaks, and from time to time warfare in the Island of Cuba, at our own doors, brought vividly home to us the trials of an oppressed people. While we consistently pursued for years the course which international courtesy and comity then required, the situation in Cuba assumed more and more, as the years went by, an aspect dangerous to our peace and material welfare.

Mr. Cleveland had realized, during his second administration, the gravity of the Cuban problem, but had been obliged to hand it over unsolved to his successor; and on March 4, 1897, William McKinley assumed it, with results now known to the world.

The successive steps in the war have been told in many forms, and from various points of view. Every schoolboy and schoolgirl of the land knows the story of Manila Bay, of El Caney, and San Juan Hill, and Santiago; of the sinking of the Merrimac; of the conquest of Porto Rico with little organized resistance; of most of the principal incidents from the rupture of friendly relations in April, 1898, to the overtures for peace made to this country in July, and the signing of the Peace Protocol on August 12, of that year.

The blockading, by our fleet, of the ports of Porto Rico and Cuba; the heroism of our soldiers and sailors; the wonderful series of victories, without the loss of a man or a ship or a gun by cap. ture, have been told again and again; and the country, in grateful remembrance, has placed upon its roll of honor the names of heroes whose achievements for American arms have made their fa imperishable in our annals.

HOW THE ISSUE WAS MET.

But there is one story of the war that has not yet been written, and can even now be but imperfectly outlined-that of the sagacious, farseeing man who, though kindly and sympathetic in all the relations of life, was ever inflexible of purpose for the recognition of the righteous principles which should control our conduct through. out the struggle, and masterful in the vigor and celerity with which he organized and directed the land and naval forces of the United States. And when the defeated and humiliated kingdom, recognizing the hopelessness of the strife, sought peace, he was magnanimous and merciful.

In the dark days preceding the opening of hostilities, amid increasing excitement, the importunities of well-wishing friends and advisers, and the abuse of the sensational press, the President of the United States never swerved from the line of duty he had marked out for himself and the Republic he had sworn faithfully to serve. His long legislative experience, his knowledge of men and events, had taught him that often many of the people form hasty opinions, at variance with the greater knowledge and wider sources of information available to those in high executive authority. But the provocation was great. The feelings of our people were outraged by scenes enacted in the island near our shores, and by the continuance of the unhappy conditions which from time to time appeared there, culminating in merciless proclamations and degrading requirements that shocked the moral sense of this nation. From all sections came the imperious demand that a stop must be put to these things, and that no longer should there be tolerated upon the American Continent a condition so menacing to our tranquillity and security.

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THE PRESIDENT AS HARMONIZER.

The President knew that to interfere meant He had faith in the people, and believed that with a fuller knowledge of the facts on their part, and with still greater endeavor upon the part of the United States, the authorities in Madrid would yet find a way to meet the requirements of civilization and evade the horrible alternative of hostilities.

The war with Spain he sought by every honorable means to avert, hewing steadfastly to his conception of the American ideal-peace with honor, war rather than dishonor; justice to other nations, loyalty to his own. Foreseeing the conflict, he foresaw its certain and many of its possible evils. The one class could not be escaped ; to the avoidance of the other he gave his full energy and intelligence. That we entered upon the war so well prepared, so little hampered by

mortgages on the future, and so generally united in purpose, was the result of long weeks of selfsacrificing, patriotic, devoted labor on the part of the dominant men among those intrusted at the time with our national fortunes-a labor in which the President led, and to which he gave the best that was in him.

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During those trying days, when the war fever was constantly and rapidly increasing, there were frequent illustrations of the truth of a statement made by one of his associates in public life that McKinley was one of the greatest harmonizers America had ever known." Daily and nightly consultations were had at the White House between the President and little groups of Senators and Representatives whom he invited to be present; these meetings were utterly non-partisan in character, composed of Republican rivals and Republican followers, and of Silver as well as Gold Democrats. The requests to attend the conferences were invariably acceded to with respect and cordiality; and the results which followed so broad-minded a course were of incalculable value in the preparation for and conduct of the war.

Does any one believe that with a less conciliatory policy, with less of the courteous consider

ateness that has characterized the intercourse of the President with Congress and prominent officials throughout the country, the marvelous results would have been achieved as quickly and as completely as they were?

The destruction of the Maine removed almost the last doubt of approaching conflict. There remained to avert it only the possibility of showing the awful tragedy to have been an accident, and, failing that, prompt and full reparation by Spain. The suspicion entertained by every American was natural under the circumstances-our strained relations with Spain, the presence of our ship in one of her ports on a friendly errand, our faith in the high discipline of our navy, the eagerness with which Spanish officials sought to charge the event to American inefficiency. Having this suspicion, based on such circumstances, what American could incline very strongly to the belief that reparation would be made? And so the logic of the situation, added to the rage of the moment, almost involved us in what is now generally conceded would have been a grave mistake -a war for revenge.

RESPONSIBILITY OF THE EXECUTIVE.

In this time of great national excitement, a responsibility was suddenly imposed upon the President of an intensity unknown since the days of Lincoln. That he then realized that war was inevitable cannot be doubted, and under his direction the War and Navy Departments were

straining every resource in preparation for the coming conflict.

The general feeling of indignation ran high, and the halls of Congress rang with the demands and denunciations of the impatient ones who ascribed to the man upon whose shoulders the terrible burden of decision rested unworthy and unpatriotic motives for his refusal to take thoughtless, hasty, and half-considered steps. It was at this time that the President, from a sense of duty, took his position against the recognition on the part of this Government of the socalled Cuban republic. He had superior sources of knowledge of the actual conditions existing in the islands, and fully comprehending the fact that this recognition would have placed the officers of our army who might enter Cuba under the command of Cuban generals, and that there existed no form of government among the insurgents such as could be properly recognized under international law, he knew that such recognition would be fraught with the gravest consequences. Under the conditions which existed in the island, a recognition of the so-called republic meant helpless confusion and conflict, and humiliation in event of war. A false step then would have been irremediable.

During the time the President was preparing his message to Congress, he was called upon personally by the great majority of members of both houses, and the executive mansion was thronged each day with excited men protesting against any. thing short of complete recognition of the Cuban republic. He stated his reasons calmly and firmly to the people who called by hundreds to demand that his position be altered.

His political leadership hung in the balance, and every argument of expediency which political ingenuity could devise was urged upon him. But he was adamant; and, to the aid of that position which he knew to be right, he called every legitimate resource of his great power as chief executive, and every proper resource power as an individual.

A PATRIOT IN THE WHITE HOUSE.

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Our present calm retrospect makes the course of William McKinley at this juncture seem one of courageous patriotism. We recall the violent denunciation, the scathing contumely, heaped upon him for his refusal to take the precipitate action which was widely demanded; the deliberate manner in which he directed an investigation of the Maine explosion, awaited the report, and communicated its substance to the Spanish Government. With wisdom gained by the lapse of time, we review the turbulent scenes in Congress, and remember the outcry then so much

in accord with our own feelings. We see the President stubbornly battling against the hasty indignation of the moment, because he felt that the time was not ripe for war, yet quietly and skillfully preparing to meet the crisis when it should come; and we see him not long after the recipient of a verdict of popular approval nearly as enthusiastic and quite as general as the denunciation of a few months before.

When in his message to Congress of April 11, 1898, he uttered the words "In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of endangered American interest, which give us the right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in Cuba must stop," he realized the expectations of those who had followed his career through all its activities, and those who had prophesied for him a weak and un-American administration saw how erroneous had been their estimate of the man.

Every effort put forth by the President and his cabinet having failed, and the gage of battle having been accepted in obedience to the dictates of humanity and civilization, and in accordance with the authority given the executive by Congress, the people learned that they had placed in the White House one who was Commander-in-Chief in fact as well as in name-a man of iron will in the prosecution of his country's battles and in the exaction of honor and respect for its flag.

The burdens of the executive office during those weeks, and at the time when by message the Congress was made to share them, were more severe than have been placed upon any President since the Civil War. Out of the rancor and excitement the nation emerged prepared for conflict; partisan feeling was hushed in the presence of a great emergency, a vast sum was appropriated for national defense, and, with a unanimity not paralleled in our history, its expenditure intrusted to the President of the United States. The discordant notes of sensationalism died away; the tread of volunteers responding to the call to arms drowned the ill-natured comments of faultfinders, and carried messages of cheer and encouragement to the White House.

President McKinley rarely left his office until one or two o'clock at night; frequently he was there until a much later hour. He personally supervised the details of preparation. He gathered from his cabinet advisers the latest information upon vital points of equipment. His orders for instant and thorough preparation and ceaseless vigilance reached the utmost limits of our national authority. The suggestions and criticisms that came to him from all parts of the country would fill volumes. The incessant stream