The American Monthly Review of Reviews

incisive article on "The Latest Phase of the Trust Problem," in Gunton's for September.

An unsigned article on "Types of Anti-Expansionists" classifies the opponents of President McKinley's policy as the "Bryan-Croker" type, the "SchurzAtkinson" type, and the "Hoar-Edmunds" type. The first of these three types represents, for the most part, purely partisan motives. Mr. Bryan and the Silver and Tammany Democrats are opposed to territorial expansion mainly because it is the administration's policy. The Schurz-Atkinson type of anti-expansionists, on the other hand, cannot be said to have any party; hence, is not influenced by partisan motives. "Anti-expansion with them is not the advocacy of a constructive political principle, but a means of helping Bryan to defeat the administration, which according to their own confession means aiding a policy of national disaster in the name of political righteousness." The Hoar-Edmunds type, while no less opposed to the policy of distant colonies governed outside of the Constitution than are the Schurzes and Atkinsons, is still not willing to risk the prosperity of the nation by intrusting the reins of government to Bryan. It is with this latter type of anti-expansionists that the writer of the article seems most fully to sympathize.

RURAL FREE POSTAL DELIVERY.

Mr. Charles Burr Todd gives an interesting account of the experiments conducted by the Post Office Department, in recent years. in the extension of free delivery of mails to the rural communities of the country. Assistant Postmaster-General Heath's report for 1899 shows among the benefits of this system increased postal receipts, enhancement in value of farm lands reached by rural delivery, a general improvement in the condition of roads, better prices obtained for farm products, besides the general educational benefits conferred by relieving the monotony of farm life through ready access to wholesome literature. Carroll County in Maryland is the only county in the United States wholly served by the rural free-delivery system. In that county the Government has established a post-office on wheelsa postal-wagon eight feet long, with a sliding door in the center, and the interior fitted up with counter, drawers, and letter-boxes. The wagon is drawn by two stout horses, has a driver and a postal clerk (the latter authorized to perform all the functions of a stationary postmaster), and covers a route of thirty miles daily, collecting mail from sixty letter-boxes placed at intervals of every half-mile, and delivering mail to all the houses by the way. The total cost of the service last year was $1,375. It takes the place of eight fourth-class post-offices and of four star-route carriers, the combined cost of which was about $1,600.

A COUNTRY WITHOUT DIALECTS.

In concluding his series of papers on the racial origin and composition of the people of the United States, Mr. Moulton Emery dwells on the predominance of the English element, not only in blood, but in language. He says: "There are no dialects in this country. The speech of the Pennsylvania Dutch, the Louisiana Creoles, and the New Mexican Greasers' cannot fairly be counted as such. Those communities repre

sent the fruits of capture, purchase, and conquest, and naturally are slow to forget their mother-tongues. Except among them, and here and there a colony of newcomers, one may travel over the whole country, North, South, East, and West, without finding the slightest difficulty in making himself understood. Indeed, he will find the same language spoken everywhere, as a rule, in all its purity. One swallow does not make a summer, nor do a few provincialisms make a dialect. The dialects of American dialect-writers exist wholly in their imaginations. Of no people in Europe can the same be said, even of the most enlightened nationalities."

Mr. Archer B. Hulbert writes on "The Root of Evil in Japan," and Lys d'Aimée on "The Menace of Present Educational Methods."

THE INTERNATIONAL MONTHLY.

HIS able review continues its practice of publishing, in each number, a few articles of considerable length on varied subjects of current interest. In the September and October numbers are two papers by M. Alfred Rambaud on "The Extension of Russia."

In the September number, Mr. Adna F. Weber sums up "The Tendency in Trade-Unionism." Mr. Weber states that the general prejudice of the American daily press against those combinations of labor that conflict with the interests of capital has caused the establishment of a distinctly labor press, organized in an association of over three hundred papers. Besides the organs of the national trade-unions, there are local weekly papers published or subsidized by city central-labor unions, which are rapidly increasing in number and influence. Even widely circulated socialistic papers sometimes express trade-union sentiments, while some of the tradeunion organs boldly advocate collectivist principles.

THE PHILOSOPHY OF AMERICAN PARTY POLITICS. In the October number, Senator George F. Hoar writes on "The Importance of Government by the Republican Party," and Prof. A. D. Morse on "The Significance of the Democratic Party in American Politics." Senator Hoar declares that "everything that has been accomplished in this country for fifty years, everything that has been achieved by this country for the world, has been accomplished by the Republican party, having almost always to encounter the bitter and steadfast opposition of the Democracy." Mr. Morse, on the other hand, while he admits that "in giving shape to public policy the Democratic party has had only a qualified success," that "in political construction the greatest builders have not been Democrats," and that "as a rule Democrats have succeeded better in tearing down than in building up," still holds that "to exclude the party of the people permanently from office is to destroy its usefulness as their teacher, and to bring to an untimely end American democracy."

OTHER ARTICLES.

Among other subjects treated in the September and October numbers of the International are "The Use of Bacteria in Our Food Products," by Prof. H. W. Conn; "The American School of Historians," by Prof. Albert Bushnell Hart; "The Conflict in China," by Dr. Edmund Buckley; "Primitive Objects of Worship," by L. Marillier; The New Italy," by Salvatore

Cortesi, and "Recent Progress in Geology," by Prof. Andrew C. Lawson. These papers do not readily lend themselves to summarizing.

JOURNALS OF POLITICS AND SOCIOLOGY.

THE

HE current (September) numbers of the political and economic journals issued from the leading American universities all contain pertinent articles on the political topics uppermost in the present campaign. In the Political Science Quarterly (Columbia University), for example, Prof. J. W. Burgess has an able discussion of "The Relation of the Constitution of the United States to Newly Acquired Territory." Construing the Constitution from the points of view of the history of its formation and of its spirit, Professor Burgess concludes that Congress possesses no power to impose customs-tariffs between the United States and her dependencies on the lines of the Porto Rican legislation of last winter. He declares that "there is nothing more clearly revealed by an historical and scientific study of the Constitution than that the founders intended to establish freedom of trade, commerce, and intercourse in ideas and commodities throughout all land and country subject to the sovereignty and dominion of the United States, and were confident that they had done so. They considered this principle to be the chief bond, the grand cementing bond, of the Union, as it has been and still is."

In the September number of the Quarterly, there is also an elaborate analysis of the currency law of March 14, 1900, contributed by Prof. Joseph French Johnson, of the University of Pennsylvania.

THE ETHICS OF EXPANSION.

In the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (Philadelphia), Mr. Talcott Williams writes on "The Ethical and Political Principles of Expansion.'" Mr. Williams' point of view is social rather than constitutional. His position is well exemplified by the following quotation from his article: "When any nation finds itself, as the United States did, with responsibility for subtropical regions, which the experience of the past and the conditions of the present show to be incapable of creating either selfgovernment or public order, the duty of the hour is to accept the burden and the responsibility for creating that one environment of self-government which, as we began by saying, is the best environment for the selfcontrolled individual. The issue at this point is not, therefore, one of inalienable right to self-government, or to be settled by a fervid appeal to the principle of the consent of the governed,' but one of fact as to whether, at a given place and date, the conditions existed for self-government as a reasonable and present possibility."

THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT.

In the American Journal of Sociology (University of Chicago), Dr. Max West has a paper on "The Fourteenth Amendment and the Race Question." Dr. West, after showing that the first section of the Fourteenth Amendment, intended mainly for the benefit of the negroes, has been applied by analogy to the Chinese also, and its protection extended in the course of time to railroad and turnpike corporations, directs our attention to the fact that the second section, providing for

the apportionment of representatives in Congress, has been strangely neglected. This second section, which would reduce the representation in Congress of States which abridge the suffrage, Dr. West holds should be strictly enforced. "This provision was intended especially to prevent the disfranchisement of the negro, and, as if with prophetic foresight, it was expressed in such general terms that it unquestionably applies even to disfranchisement through educational tests; yet its language is so mathematically explicit that it requires no interpretation, but requires simply to be enforced."

THE INCOME TAX.

Dr. West also contributes the leading paper appearing in the Journal of Political Economy on the subject of "The Income Tax and the National Revenues." Dr. West shows that the income tax is no more favorable to the poor than many other forms of taxation. "It falls most heavily, not upon the largest incomes, but upon those whose amount can be least readily concealed. The man with a salary cannot escape; the man of wealth can, according to the elasticity of his own conscience. The income tax punishes honesty and puts a premium upon perjury. There is nothing in the nature of the tax which makes it easier to assess justly than the State taxes on personal property; the superior Federal administration might save it from becoming a farce (as the still better administration of Prussia makes it a partial success), but could never make it operate equally."

THE NATIONAL REVIEW.

N the National Review for September, "Ignotus," writing on "Japan and the New Far East," enlarges on the military prestige lately acquired by Japan in China, commenting on the fact that the army of occupation sent by Japan outnumbers the forces of the other allies in the ratio of two to one. "Ignotus" compares, with the compact organization of the Japanese troops, "the mere collection of weak brigades which make up the allied army." From the strength of Japan's force now in the field, "Ignotus" reasons that, whether or no the European powers like to recognize the fact, Japan must take a predominant place in the eyes of the Chinese. As to the alleged Russian understanding with the Japanese, "Ignotus" dismisses this hypothesis as utterly improbable. He declares that no Japanese statesman would for a moment further Russia's reconquest of Manchuria, while, on the other hand, Japan is making her position each day more and more secure. "Five hundred thousand soldiers, a match in intelligence, bravery, and organization for the best Westerners, supported by a powerful fleet, are a strong reminder that prudence and forbearance are necessary in dealing with Japan-especially when Japan is upon the spot, and when the West is ten thousand miles away. Whatever the present, the future is to Japan."

A FRANCO-GERMAN ALLIANCE.

In an article on "The Foreign Policy of the German Empire," Sir Rowland Blennerhassett discusses the possibility of a Franco-German alliance. He admits that to many people in England such an alliance would seem a fantastic dream; but he calls upon such persons to remember that, even when the memories of 1870 were fresh in the minds of Frenchmen, the idea commended

itself both to German and to French statesmen. declares that there are now many men of influence in France strongly in its favor, and that both in Germany and in France there is an active school at work preparing the minds of their countrymen for such a combination. He thinks that the basis of such an alliance would be that France and Germany should enter into a customs-union with Belgium and Holland. The project of a customs-union between Germany and Holland is, at the present moment, widely discussed in both countries. This writer ascribes the enthusiasm for the Boer cause in Germany largely to the policy of the authorities, formed with a view of acquiring for Germany the sympathies of the people of Holland. He says that customs-unions would be followed by the acquisition by France of the Belgian railways on a similar plan to that which the government of Napoleon III. formed in 1868. Military and naval conventions between France and 'Germany, on the one side, and Belgium and Holland would follow. He states that it is now known, on the undoubted authority of the Emperor Frederick, that just such a scheme was proposed to Germany after Sedan.

THE UNITED STATES IN THE PHILIPPINES.

Mr. John Foreman, a well-known authority on the people and resources of the Philippine Islands, attempts an answer to the question, "Will the United States Withdraw from the Philippines?" Mr. Foreman's article resolves itself into a proposition to extricate this country from the dilemma in which he thinks she has become involved. His plan is that the American governor-general be authorized to inform the representative Filipinos that the United States policy is to gradually but conditionally relinquish control over the islands. A Philippine chamber of deputies, representing the large towns and districts, should hold its session in Manila, and vote laws for the internal government of the islands. The statutes of the Philippine protectorate should be submitted to the United States governor-general or to commissioners appointed for the purpose, who would see that the rights of foreigners would be duly protected. For the reimbursement to the United States of the $20,000,000 (gold) paid to Spain under the Treaty of Paris, the Philippine protectorate should issue to the United States $40,000,000 (silver) in bonds bearing interest at a rate to be agreed upon and payable half-yearly, the Philippine protectorate undertaking to redeem annually a minimum of 5 per cent. of the bonds after the expiration of two years. The guarantee should be the customs dues collected by Philippine officials, but subject to an American control in Manila, and the ports open to foreign trade. Within three or four months after the first payment of interest on the bonds, the military governor and troops should be withdrawn, and America, as the protecting state, should be represented in Manila by a resident and staff. In the event of civil war, America should have the right to land troops to support the government against the rebels. Mr. Foreman believes that a military and naval station should be retained by the United States. He thinks that, as a compensation for protection, the Filipinos would very willingly grant exclusive trading privileges to the United States for a term of years, extending at least over the period of their financial in debtedness. Hence America would gain all the rightful advantages of occupation- viz., predominance in trade and an outlet for capital.

THE COAL PROBLEM.

Writing on the coal question, Mr. A. D. Provand, M.P., compares the transportation charges of England with those of the United States. He shows that the rates on coal in the United States for long hauls ex ceeding a hundred miles are from one-third to onefourth what they are in Great Britain. The English rolling-stock is also deficient. In the United States the standard coal-car carries 30 tons, while the capacity of the English cars is only from 8 to 10 tons, with a few of 12 tons. It is thus easy to see that American railroads can carry coal profitably for much lower rates than the English railroads. Mr. Provand shows that in England a 150-mile haul would add fully seven shillings a ton to the cost of the coal, whereas in the United States it would add only about two shillings. He says that before English railways can rival American railways in coal-carrying, they will have to reconstruct their plants-turntables, sidings, cars, and locomotives.

War "is the foundation of all the high virtues and faculties of men." This saying of Ruskin rouses Mr. Walter J. Baylis to ask, "Is War a Blessing?" His conclusion is:

"Surely life is difficult enough under ordinary conditions, and furnishes sufficient opportunities for the display of both physical and moral courage, without our going afield to create new opportunities. This cannot be disputed, at any rate, so far as moral courage is concerned; while as a school for physical courage we have the lifeboat service, the fire brigade, the fever hospital, the slums and alleys of our great towns, and the chastising of bullies, besides polar expeditions and the exploration of other distant and dangerous regions. We have mountaineering, ballooning, and, last but not least, opposing the present war, which requires considerable courage in some company! Pace John Ruskin, we cannot believe that it is absolutely necessary that nations should be either manslaughterers or cowards."

Nora Twycross follows with a paper on the clergy and the Boer War, wherein she rebukes the jingo parson, but does not forget the faithful among the faithless found. She is inclined to think "there is a deeper feeling of revolt against militarism than has ever been cherished before."

THE FOLLY OF CONSCRIPTION.

"The Case Against Conscription" is vigorously stated by Mr. A. W. Livesey. He observes that the privileged classes have never taken the initiative in increasing the British navy; they have only poured cold water on those who insisted on a big fleet, but have always been eager to increase the army, even to the extent of introducing conscription. The fleet, Mr. Livesey says, is not a standing menace to England's liberties, and adds no power to the ruling classes. His general contention he thus sums up:

"It has been shown that, while the establishment of a colossal standing army or of conscription must inevitably sound the knell of English liberties, on the other hand those classes of the community who imagine that they would derive solid advantages from such a retrogressive measure are living in a fool's paradise; for, like all other classes, they would suffer both directly and indirectly from it--the military classes themselves, even, being sufferers with the rest of us. Moreover, it has been shown that all rapid advancement in civilization and the arts is made in times of peace, while the military spirit, and military organization and habits of mind, are antagonistic to all such progress, and by causing a marked limitation of the producing powers of a country-which means inferior nourishment and worse physical conditions for the masses-indirectly lowers the vitality and energy of a race, constituting a serious diminution of its ultimate chances in the international struggle for the survival of the fittest."

The assumption that a colossal army is necessary for purposes of imperial defense is denounced as absurd.

LIGHT FROM "DARKEST ENGLAND."

Mr. Wm. H. Hunt offers General Booth's Hadleigh Colony as "an interesting industrial experiment" in the quest after a remedy for urban congestion and rural depopulation. He quotes figures from the report for 1899, which give "a grand total for the colony of £42,166 2s. 71⁄2d. on the expenditure side, and £40,786 18s. 11d. for income, or a total deficit on the year's working of £1,379 3s. 8d. In 1898 it was £855 0s. 11d. on an expenditure of £37,612 11s. 5d.; and in 1897, £750 4s. 10%1⁄2d. on an expenditure of £35,113 0s. 5d." General Booth "has been dealing with unproductive land by means of unskilled and incompetent men; and yet he has come within measurable distance of making the enterprise pay." Mr. Hunt asks, What might not be done with good land and accustomed laborers? True, he grants, the Salvation Army has the inestimable advantage of disinterested and devoted administrators. But, he argues, we have no right to suppose that disinterested administrators would be wanting were the experiment to be made on a national scale.

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"FREEDOM, JUSTICE, VITALITY."

The three laws of social activity are declared by Leonard M. Burrell to be Freedom, Justice, Vitality. These, he finds, necessitate :

"(1) Free competition as to land, the single tax on its values, and laws as to its use. (2) Freedom in work, and trade limited by laws as to kind and quality in productions. (3) Education which shall fit men to follow different industries when competition forces them to change their occupation, and which shall teach them that desire governs activity, and that reason and morality govern desire. That is, I advocate freedom limited by justice and directed by wisdom."

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The American Monthly Review of Reviews, Količina 22