as more gifted still he sits in his hall, orders the doors to be opened, and while remaining there in the body is said to be elsewhere in spirit, directing, controlling, suggesting, and achieving. One of the best shots in a legation guard relates how he fired seven shots at one of the chiefs on the Northern Bridge, less than 200 yards off. The chief stood there contemptuously, pompously waving his swords, and as if thereby causing the bullets to pass him to right or left at will; he then calmly and proudly stalked away unhit, much to the astonishment of the sharpshooter. Though professing to know nothing beyond the domain of sense, the Chinaman is really an extravagant believer in the supernatural, and so he readily credits the Boxer with all the powers he claims."

PARTITION, CONVERSION, OR THE WHIRLWIND.

The Boxers being, therefore, the legitimate and inevitable outcome of the grafting of Western European ideas upon Chinese patriotic senti. ment, we have to face the certainty of the fact that the movement in its essence will not die out, but will increase and spread until it assumes proportions which will defy us. Sir Robert Hart says:

Twenty millions or more of Boxers, armed, drilled, disciplined, and animated by patriotic if mistaken-motives will make residence in China impossible for foreigners; will take back from foreigners everything foreigners have taken from China; will pay off old grudges with interest, and will carry the Chinese flag and Chinese arms into many a place that even fancy will not suggest to-day-thus preparing for the future upheavals and disasters never even dreamed of. In fifty years' time there will be millions of Boxers in serried ranks and war's panoply at the call of the Chinese Government; there is not the slightest doubt of that! And if the Chinese Government continues to exist, it will encourage -and it will be quite right to encourage, uphold, and develop this national Chinese move. ment; it bodes no good for the rest of the world, but China will be acting within its right, and will carry through the national programme! Nothing but partition, a difficult and unlikely international settlement, or a miraculous spread of Christianity in its best form-a not impossible, but scarcely to be hoped for, religious triumph -will defer, will avert this result. Is either the one or the other within the limits of practical politics or practical propagandism? I fear not! And if not, what? Then the lawlessness of the present uprising must be condoned and the Manchu dynasty supported: to this end it will be made to lose face' as little as possible-but

Of these three courses he decides that the last is the only one open to us; and although he goes on to talk about compensation and punishment, the logic of his article points unmistakably to our accepting whatever terms we can get from the Chinese, and making the best of them, knowing that if we go farther we shall fare worse. It is to be hoped that the German Emperor will read Sir Robert Hart's article, and readjust his policy to the facts to which this su preme expert bears unimpeachable testimony.

A Significant Russian Declaration. In immediate connection with Sir Robert Hart's paper, it is well to read the short article which Professor Martens has contributed to the Monthly Review on the subject of the Hague Conference and China. In this paper, Professor Martens, whose authority on international law cannot be disputed by any, declares himself in most unqualified fashion against any attempt to utilize the present crisis for the purpose of still farther increasing the domination of Europe over the Chinese. After setting forth the admitted facts as to the privileges which Europe has extracted by force from the Chinese, he continues:

"Therefore I maintain that the civilized powers, in settling their account with China, should not endeavor either to increase the privileges of their countrymen in China, or favor by the exaction of new immunities the propagation of the Christian religion among the Chinese, or undermine the authority and the prestige of the Chinese Government, or increase in the hearts of the Chinese people their hatred and animosity against all foreigners.

"We cannot recognize any right whatever belonging to the Christian nations of imposing upon the Chinese an unscrupulous exploitation of their natural riches; we are unable to concede to Protestant and Catholic missionaries the right of propaganda at the expense of the strength of the Chinese state; we recognize absolutely no legal title justifying the systematic poisoning of

the Chinese by opium, the importation of which is imposed by force upon China; lastly, we express in all sincerity our conviction that the Chinese have the same right to insist that China should belong to Chinamen' as the Russians or English that their country should belong to them."

It would be difficult to put into shorter compass a policy more absolutely antagonistic to that which the German Emperor appears to be pursuing in China at the present moment.

PRINCE CHING AND LI HUNG CHANG, THE CHINESE PEACE NEGOTIATORS.

THE

HE two Chinese peace negotiators, Prince Ching and Li Hung Chang, are the subjects of a brief notice by Herr von Brandt in the Deutsche Revue for November. Prince Ching, as a descendant in the fourth generation of the Emperor Laokwang, who died in 1850, could claim only the rank of a prince of the fourth class; for, according to the Chinese Blue-Book, "the members of the Imperial family of the present dynasty fall into four classes of princes-four of dukes and four of the nobility. The titles that have been granted are always reduced in degree in descending from father to son, or that the son of a nobleman of the fourth class of the Imperial family inherits no title whatever. Of course, titles higher than the one inherited may be granted for merit, or for other reasons. This was the case with Prince Ching." He was raised to the rank of a prince of the second class in 1884, and superseded in the same year the Prince Kung as president of the Tsungli-Yamen-a position he still holds. "Very industrious and conscientious, of agreeable manners and pleasant bearing, he yet lacks the quick perception and the energetic will that formerly showed the Prince Kung to be a real statesman, even according to European stand ards."

Better known, says Herr von Brandt, is, or should be, Li Hung Chang. For nearly fifty years he has been prominent in the affairs of his country, always on the side of law and order as against riot and unrest. During the Taiping Rebellion he organized a regiment of volunteers at his own cost; and later, as governor of Kiangsu, he operated with the always-victorious" army commanded by Gordon. Subsequently, he subdued the Niefei rebels in Shantung. In 1868 he was appointed superintendent of commerce of the Southern ports, and two years later governor. general of Chili. As such, for twenty-five years he rigorously maintained order in that province, speedily quelling the Mongol uprising of 1891-92. In Tientsin, through which all foreign diplomats

LI HUNG CHANG.

had to pass on their way to Peking, he had many opportunities of coming into contact with Western personalities and ideas; and it is noteworthy that, whenever difficulties arose with other coun tries, it became his task to smooth them over-a task that required not only a knowledge of the foreign demands and interests, as well as a ready tact in dealing with the foreign diplomats, but even more courage and influence with his own government and its parties, which often had to be coerced into granting most unwelcome concessions. Thus it happened that, for more than a score of years, Li was the mediator between the conflicting interests of his country and the outside world, rendering equally great services to both parties. In 1876 he concluded the convention of Chefoo, by which the difficulties with England, arising from the attack on the mission of Yunnan, were settled. In 1884 he concluded the so-called Li-Fournier Convention, in which he endeavored to prevent the outbreak of hostilities between France and China on account of Anam, concluding two years later the Convention of Tientsin, which ended the hostilities. It

was due to him that Korea was opened up in 1882; he conducted the negotiations that led, in 1887 to the evacuation of Port Hamilton, and Russia's withdrawal from Korea. He concluded with Japan the Convention of Tientsin, by which the conflict between the two countries was staved

off for about ten years. He tried his utmost to prevent the war with Japan in 1894, and finally not only undertook the difficult task of concluding with the victor the treaty of Simonoseki, but also fulfilled the still more difficult task of inducing his government to accept the treaty, by which it ceded to the enemy Formosa and the peninsula Leaotung. Called to Peking to the Tsungli-Yamen, he succumbed to the foolish attacks of the English, who forced from his position the only man possessing the courage and the power requisite to prevent a conflict with the foreign countries, because it was said that he had sold himself to Russia. Why Li finally was appointed governor of the two Kwangs needs a better explanation. Possibly he himself preferred and desired service in the provinces, and his government honored the wish of its old and tried servant; more probably Li not only had an intimation of the coming reaction, and thought it best to get out of its way; but the leaders of the reactionary party also endeavored to get out of their way the only man who could effectively have crossed their plans. But it is certain that, had Li been in Peking at the outbreak of the riots, he would have had to pay by his death, ostensibly for his reputed friendliness toward the foreigners; in reality, for his sensible treatment of foreign affairs."

A RUSSIAN AMONG CHINESE SECTARIES.

M.

DELINES contributes to the first September number of the Nouvelle Revue an interesting article describing the experiences of a Russian engineer, M. Lobza, among an important Chinese sect called "The Protectors of the Persecuted."

The headquarters of the sect was at a town in Manchuria, called Nyn-Guta, and there M. Lobza made violent efforts to discover the points of difference which separated the sect from the official religion of Buddha. After being most politely put off by one of the principal men of the sect, M. Lobza turned his attention to a miserable temple on the outskirts of the town, the priest of which he knew to be connected with the heads of the sect. The task which the Russian had set himself was rendered unusually difficult be cause the governor of Nyn-Guta had ordered all his officials to enter into no relations with Russians, and never to reveal to them anything

of the private life of the people. M. Lobza visited the temple, and he told the priest of it that the architecture of the temples of Nyn-Guta had made a profound impression on him, owing to their originality; that he took a great interest in the religion of the Chinese, and, above all, in the belief of this particular sect, which he would be glad to have explained to him. The priest explained that the temple was dedicated to Poussa, the only divinity of the sect, members of which did not attend other places of worship. The sect were distinguished by their sobriety; they smoked neither opium nor tobacco, did not drink any Chinese brandy, and called one another brothers. The sect is spreading very widely through China; in each town the members elect a chief, who holds his office for life, and whose business it is to supervise the morality of his coreligionists. Membership of the sect is only obtained with the consent of all the members of the particular town, and the admission of a new adherent is celebrated with great pomp. In the prayers which the priest addresses to Poussa on behalf of each new member, it is remarkable that there is no petition that the convert should become a great trader, and this is held to prove that the sect despises riches. On admission, the new member changes his name by putting the syllable "lai" in the middle-a practice which enables members to recognize one another easily wherever they may be. Members of the sect are very benevolent, and assist one another in old age and trouble.

A MANDARIN'S VERSION.

So much M. Lobza learned from the priest. He also consulted an official of his acquaintance who belonged to the third, or blue-ribbon class. This gentleman received M. Lobza with great ceremony, and at first was extremely unwilling to speak about the sect; but when he found that M. Lobza already knew a good deal on the subject, he spoke more freely. He declared himself an opponent of the sect, the members of which he described as weak men, dissimulating their vices and their crimes under the mask of lofty doctrines. The society, he declared, was dangerous in the extreme; and he explained that, when a neophyte entered the sect, he was obliged to take an oath never to divulge its mysteries, under pain of being killed by his comrades. This appears to have proved to the Chinese official that the sect was altogether bad; he added that the Chinese authorities greatly disapproved of it, and forbade any one to belong to it. Ten years ago, he went on, the sect had instigated a revolt in Peking, and had attempted the life of the Emperor.

Naturally, the Russian was much puzzled by these two completely different stories. But one circumstance made him suspect the account given by the mandarin-namely, that he blamed the sect for their love of equality. "This wretched people," he said, "consider the old man and the youth, the mandarin and the peasant, the rich man and the mendicant, as being equal, and having a right to the same honor." M. Delines, however, does not entirely solve the question whether the priest or the mandarin is to be believed, though it is evident that he is, on the whole, inclined to accept the account given by the priest.

CONCERNING MISSIONS IN CHINA.

THE Deutsche Revue for October has an article

by Herr von Brandt in further support of his assertions that the conduct of the missionaries in China is to some degree responsible for the recent troubles, and that the Protestant missionaries are more to blame than the Catholic. His criticism is based on a residence of eighteen years in China, and thirty-three years in Eastern Asia. He finds much to prove that in China, American and English missionaries have meddled with the affairs of the country in a way detrimental not only to their legitimate activity, but also to the interests of all the foreigners, and have tried to gain political influence.

There is no doubt about the fact that in the affair of Kan-Yu-Weis in Peking, in 1848, two missionaries, Messrs. G. Reid and T. Richards, took a prominent part; and since the Taiping Rebellion the Protestant missionaries have been regarded suspiciously by the Chinese Government. In support of his statements Herr von Brandt cites a number of authorities, among them the work of Lord Curzon, -the present Viceroy of India,-" Problems of the Far East."

Further causes for the unpopularity of the missionaries among the Chinese are their mode of living, which, however plain, seems luxurious to the frugal natives, and especially the increasing employment of unmarried women and young girls." In a country like China,-which differs on the one hand materially from us in its views on the emancipation of women, and on the other hand shows an element almost of brutality in the character of its natives, the spectacle of unmarried persons of both sexes living and working together, in public and in private, and of young women undertaking long journeys into the interror without suitable companions, must cause serious misunderstanding. The pure-minded may despise such misunderstanding; but in many cases it has more to do with the anti-missionary

feeling in China than even the most bitter national enmity or any theologic differences."

SHOULD MISSIONS BE CONFINED TO TREATY PORTS.

The social importance of Christianity Herr von Brandt rates very high; what he condemns is the false system, which finds a guarantee of success in the multiplying of missions and missionaries, and lays more stress on the quantity than the quality of its workers. 66 There is another point which shows the shortcomings of the present system-that, as soon as there is a persecution, the pastors feel compelled to leave their flocks. The pastor should remain with his flock, and share its good or ill fortunes; but, in order to do this, he should restrict his activity to places where he could be easily and permanently protected. Why not confine the missions to the treaty ports and immediate vicinity, and leave the evangelizing of the country to the Chinese converts? The foreign missions have either succeeded, within the sixty years of their activity, to train for such purposes a goodly number of natives, or (and this would be the most severe criticism on their activity) they have not ob tained such results, and the immense sums spent in missionary work have been thrown away. Such a wise restriction would relieve the foreign powers of the necessity of standing sword in hand ready to protect the spiritual interests, and would thereby clear away a danger continually threatening their relations to China as well as the

peace of the world. The missionary may answer, with the words of Jesus, "Go ye, therefore, and teach all nations." But why should he not be reminded of these other injunctions: "But when they persecute you in this city, flee ye into another;" and again, "And whosoever shall not receive you, nor hear you, when ye depart thence, shake off the dust of your feet for a testimony against them."

Referring to the amount of blame to be attached to the Catholic and the Protestant missionaries respectively, Herr von Brandt concludes by saying that "it is not a question of dogmatic differences or quarrels between followers of the different confessions, but whether missionary activity shall be introduced again into China with fire and sword, and be protected in the future, and the Cross be raised on the ruins of burned and plundered cities; and to this I have, in the name of what we call our civilization and humanity, only one answer-a most emphatic No."

For a good statement of the missionaries' side in this controversy, the reader is referred to the article in the September REVIEW OF REVIEWS (page 302), by the Rev. Dr. James S. Dennis.

It is a mistake to suppose that Mother Goose, as we have it at the present time, is the product of that good old Boston lady whose mischievous son-in-law, Mr. Thomas Fleet, published the first two copper editions of that book at his printinghouse in Pudding Lane.' Mother Goose is an omnipresent old lady. She is an Asiatic as well as a European or American."

Here is one of the rhymes that Professor Headland heard repeated by Chinese elders to children:

He climbed up the candlestick,

The little mousey brown,

To steal and eat tallow,

And he couldn't get down.

He called for his grandma,

But his grandma was in town,
So he doubled up into a wheel
And rolled himself down.

By way of comment on this rhyme, Professor Headland remarks :

"Now, I think that it must be admitted that there is more in this rhyme to commend it to the public than there is to Jack and Jill.' If, when that remarkable couple went for the pail of water, Master Jack had carried the water himself, he would have been entitled to some credit for gallantry; or, if in falling he had fallen in such a way as to prevent Miss Jill from tumbling,' or even in such a way as to break her fall and make it easier for her, there would have been some reason for the popularity of such a record. As it is, there is no reason except the fact that it is simple and rhythmic, and children like it. This rhyme, however, in the original, is equal to

Jack and Jill' in rhyme; contains as good a story, exhibits a more scientific tumble, with a less tragic result, and contains as good a moral as that found in Jack Sprat.'

"That little rhyme is as popular all over North China as 'Jack and Jill' is throughout New York or New England. Ask any little Chinese child if he ever heard of The Little Mouse,' and he reels it off to you as readily as the American child does Jack and Jill.' Does he like it? It

is a part of his life. You repeat it to him, giving one word incorrectly, and he will resent it as strenuously as your little boy or girl would resent it if you said:

'Jack and Jill

Went down the hill.""

though that has been printed many times, and you learned it all in your youth. The difficulty is multiplied tenfold in China, where they have never been printed, and where there have grown up various versions of them, modified from some original which the nurse had no doubt partly forgotten, but still was compelled to entertain the child. I have found not less than four different versions of the Mouse and the Candlestick.'"

Among the accretions to these ancient jingles some are objectionable on the score of vulgarity, but these objectionable passages can usually be cut off and discarded without injury to the original rhyme.

"It will be noticed that among the nursery rhymes of all countries many refer to insects, birds, animals, persons, parts of the body, certain actions, or trades, food, and children. Among the insects referred to in Chinese rhymes we have the cricket, cicada, spider, snail, firefly, lady-bug, and butterfly. Among the fowls we have the bat, crow, magpie, cock, duck, and goose. Among the animals we have the mouse, dog, cow, horse, mule, and donkey, with additional rhymes on the snake and the frog; and there are rhymes without number on places, things, and persons, men, women, and children.

"Those who hold that the Chinese do not love their children have never consulted their nursery lore. There is no language in the world, I venture to believe, which contains children's songs expressive of more keen and tender affection than some of those found among the nursery rhymes of China. This fact, more than any other, has stimulated us in collecting them. They have been prepared with the hope that they will present to the English-speaking people a phase of Chinese home life which they have never seen, and which I doubt if they are prepared to expect. So much has been written about the murder of girl children that a large proportion of our English and American friends look upon the Chinese as a nation of baby-haters.

As &