tory of Sanskrit Literature,' my Science of Language, Science of Religion,' Science of Mythology, History of Indian Philosophy,' etc., while most of my shorter writings are collected in Chips from a German Workshop.' Now I feel it high time that I drew in my sails. "I shall probably go on with my Recollections' -Auid Lang Syne,' you know. But I shall abstain from any great effort. I am asked to contribute to both English and American publications, but can only occasionally comply.

"My methods of work are very simple. • When I have nothing to do, I work.' Story? I have none to tell you. I was always at work. Here were my pen and paper and books daily, hourly awaiting me. These and my thoughts were sufficient inspiration and incentive. I didn't want recreations. As soon as I felt exhausted I gave up and rested."

HINDOO PRAYERS FOR PROFESSOR MÜLLER'S

RECOVERY.

In connection with the professor's recent illness, the following communication from an old and learned Brahmin at Madras has a special interest. The Brahmin writes:

"When I saw the professor was seriously ill, tears trickled down my cheeks unconsciously. When I told my friends who are spending the last days of their life with me, and read with me the Bhagavad-gita,' and similar religious books, they were all very much overpowered with grief. Last night, when we were all going to our temple as usual, it was suggested to me that we should have some special service performed by the temple priest for his complete restoration. All my friends followed me to the temple; but when we told the priest our wish, he raised various objections. He could not, he said, offer prayers and chant hymns in the name of one who is not a Hindoo by birth; and, if he did so, he would be dismissed from the service and excommunicated by his caste.

"We discussed the subject with him at length, and told him that Prof. Max Müller, though a European by birth and in garb, was virtually more than a Hindoo. When some of my friends offered to pay him ample remuneration, he at last consented; and when, the next day, at 11 o'clock at night, we came to the temple with cocoanuts, flowers, betel-leaves, nuts, and camphor, which we handed to the priest, he began to chant the Mantras, and offer prayers to God for about an hour or so. After everything was done, the priest returned to us some of our gifts, and requested that we should send them to Professor Müller."

To this Professor Müller adds:

he had been famous as a writer in England and America for some years, and many discriminating people thought that no one had a greater share of literary prominence among the writers of America. Crane was a New Jersey boy, born in Newark in 1870. He went to school at Lafayette College and Syracuse University, and had already in his undergraduate days developed a yearning for the atmosphere of printer's ink. In 1892 he came to New York and went through the routine discouragements of refusals from newspaper and book publishing sanctums. He had already written a book, "Maggie: A Child of the Streets," but it could not be published except at the author's expense, and young

It

Crane lived on bread and water to make the necessary money. Mr. Howells and others had, however, remarked a note of genius in the boy's writing. In 1893, at the age of twenty-three, Crane wrote The Red Badge of Courage." was published very modestly first in a Philadelphia paper, and was afterward issued in book form by the Appletons, and made the youth famous in England and America. The whole world was astonished that probably the best description of war written in this generation should come from a young man born five years after the termination of the struggle that he described. The universal popularity of Mr. Crane's books in England led him to take up a residence in that country, and he was petted by the most exclusive London literary circles. In the last few years his most important work has been newspaper correspondence, notably in his reporting of the Greco-Turkish war in 1897, and the Cuban filibusters.

THE LATE ARCHIBALD FORBES.

MR. H. W. MASSINGHAM contributes a

sketch of Archibald Forbes to the Leisure Hour for June. Thus dramatically he describes Forbes' entry upon London daily journalism:

666 Archibald Forbes from Metz.' In these words, scribbled on a bit of writing-paper, Archibald Forbes made his entry into the great world of war journalism. Fortunately, they were addressed to an excellent judge of men. Sir John Robinson, the manager of the Daily News, was -in common with the rest of the world-deeply concerned to know what was happening in the great Prussian laager round the French stronghold. So the traveler was promptly shown up to the managerial room. He came in with his dragoon's swagger, his big mustache, his rather fierce gray eyes alight with anger and impatience, a shabby, travel-stained figure. He had been to more than one great newspaper office, and had been repulsed, notwithstanding the obvious value of his work. Nice place, London-no one will see you! he grumbled. Smoothing down the ruffled man, Sir John in a few minutes had his story in plain, abrupt phrases. It was a windfall indeed. Forbes had come straight from the Prussian lines. Though he did not speak German, and represented no paper of first-rate importance, he appeared to have the complete confidence of the authorities. He had passed right through their lines. But he was bothered about a little paper which he owned, -the London Scotsman,-long since dead. 'I'll take it over,' cried Sir John, and he did. Forbes was fasting; food and tobacco were found him, and he was set to work in an adjoining room, Sir John watching

anxiously over his new-found treasure. Hour after hour, he wrote, a clear, masterly account of the entire military situation. When he finished, he proposed another task. The Germans were being wrongly accused of ill-treatment of the French, and, full of his subject, he wished to convince the English public of the truth. Sir John shook his head, and Forbes stared fiercely at the refusal. 6 You will not do that,' continued Sir John; you will do something much better. You will go straight back to Metz as our correspondent.' Forbes asked for £100 in five-franc pieces. In the evening they were found for him. Of his own capacity, he made one modest remark : I've one pull over the other fellows,-no compliments, please,—and that is that when the day's work is over I can walk forty miles without tiring; and when your horse is requisitioned by the military, as it often is, that is always a help. Thus began the career of the most brilliant of war correspondents."

About nine years ago, Dr. Lowenfeld, then a young journalist and biographer of Tolstoi, started in Berlin a propaganda against too much work and too little amusement. At that time Berlin was occupied with a plethora of schemes for the education of the masses; and when the doctor organized on paper his scheme for a people's theater, he met at first with little sympathy. The difficulties were considerable. The theater had to be self-supporting, and Dr. Lowenfeld had concluded that 12 cents was as much as the average working man could pay. But he succeeded in obtaining the assistance of

some influential Berliners, and after making ap

A com

OLD-AGE PENSION SYSTEMS.

to get together a capital of $25,000. pany was formed and the Schiller Theater rented, Sudermann, the dramatist, being among the members of the committee. The theater, he found, could not be worked for less than $81,000 a year, and to get such a revenue from low-priced seats seemed impossible. To get over the difficulty, Dr. Lowenfeld started the Theater Union, every member of which pledged himself to go the Schiller Theater at least once a fortnight, or else to pay for tickets.

A GREAT SUCCESS.

With such resources, the highest salary the theater could pay was $2,000 a year, and firstrate artists were out of the question. The first performance was given in 1894, all Berlin being. interested in the experiment-which, however, it was believed must turn out a failure. The result was a complete triumph, and after a year's trial the Schiller Theater took a chief place among the Berlin theaters. It covered its expenses from the first, and at the present time pays its shareholders 5 per cent., all further profits going toward improvements. Its financial position is now so satisfactory that the di rectors are able to give entirely free entertainments from time to time.

ITS REPERTOIRE.

The repertoire of the theater contains at the present time 136 plays, and it produces dramas of all classes, from Sophocles and Shakespeare to the lightest modern comedies. Though the scenery is less elaborate and the actors less known than in the other theaters, Dr. Lowenfeld has succeeded in compensating himself by training his company in the best traditions. The cost of producing the plays has varied from $3,000, which was the cost of " Wallenstein," to $5,200, which was expended on bringing out "Brand.

A THEATER FOR ALL.

People of all classes, from university professors to cab drivers, are now found among the patrons of the People's Theater. Formerly the theater was open for 360 days of the year. lt is now closed in July and August; but, in spite of this, it continues to pay its way. The charge for tickets has also been altered since the first success of the experiment, and ranges from 8 cents to 62 cents. People who buy six tickets at a time receive them about a fourth cheaper. In view of the success of the Berlin venture, it would be interesting to see if a similar experiment would not succeed in London or New York.

Mirabeau proposed, in the French National Assembly, the founding of a national savingsbank for receiving and investing the small savings of working people. The project was approved by the Assembly, and a national savingsbank was founded. But there was too little experience for the right management of such an institution, and too much political meddling. The bank was not successful. Meanwhile, mutualaid societies were founding in France and Italy, and trades-unions in England. As time went on, associations for mutual cooperation and help, under various names and with various modifications, became numerous in Europe and America. Their history covers a wide range of success and failure.

For many years efforts have been made to provide by national legislation for working people old-age pensions, which, though very small, shall be more certain than the allowances supplied by mutual-aid societies and similar associations.

FRENCH AND BELGIAN SAVINGS INSTITUTIONS.

In 1850 there was founded, by the French Government, a national savings institution for providing pensions for aged operatives and others. One of the questions considered was whether the deposits should be free or obligatory. After long deliberation and debate, it was decided that deposits should be free, not less than five francs each, and that the pensions should be liquidated on the basis of the laws of mortality, -different pensions to different ages, and there was assured to depositors interest at the rate of 5 per cent. on deposits. A crop of disillusions followed. The bank was free for all. Deposits by people in comfortable circumstances, who wanted to get the 5 per cent. interest, poured in; but the working people, for whom the bank was primarily instituted, did not avail themselves of its advantages. A deficit grew from year to year, because authorized investments brought only 4, 4, or 3 per cent. interest. The minister of finance was obliged, in 1853, to reduce the interest allowed by the savings institution to 44 per cent. In 1856 the government fixed the maximum pension at 750 francs, and in 1872 raised the interest again to 5 per cent. Fourteen years later (1886), after various changes of rules, 1,200 francs as the maximum pension was established by law, and a fixed rate of interest was abolished, Authority for determining the rate

of interest year by year was vested in the presi dent of the republic. Availing themselves of a favorable law, the French societies deposited their funds in the national institution. The aggregate of funds at the end of 1895 was 125,000,000 francs-the larger part having been turned in by the societies. Thirty-one thousand pensioners at the age of 64 received, on the average, less than 100 francs per annum. Since 1880 the government's budget has contributed 1,000,000 francs a year to the institution for the benefit of the societies that deposited in it their pension funds.

Belgium has kept close to France in efforts to establish savings institutions for supplying the aged poor with pensions. An institution of this kind was founded by law in 1850, but operatives did not use it. Since then a national savingsbank and an institution for pensions have been combined; but this establishment also lacks the support of working people.

THE GERMAN PLAN.

The most notable feature of the German project organized under Prince Bismarck is that registration for pensions is obligatory. All who receive wages or stipends, aggregating for each less than 2,000 marks a year, are required by law to subscribe for pensions. Subsidies for disability are available after paying the assessments during five years; age pensions are available after 30 years of payments, if the beneficiary is 70 years old. A pension consists of three elements: 50 marks a year paid by the empire, 60 marks a year paid by the bank of the district where the beneficiary's weekly assessments were deposited, and a percentage of the aggregate of the assessments that he has paid. The minimum pension, then, cannot be less than 110 marks a year. The maximum pension, which was a trifle above 250 marks, and the intermediate grades have been enlarged somewhat by the law of 1899, which introduced some changes of detail. If the severity of the regulations, especially in certain particulars, is considered, there will not be much surprise at the suspicion that one of the purposes of the German law for the relief of disabled and aged operatives was surveillance-that, in part, the law was a device for keeping track of opera tives, and knowing what they were doing; a very ingenious device, if the suspicion was well founded.

THE DANISH LAW.

Denmark, in 1891, adopted a law for the pensioning of the old and destitute. "Denmark has thought that a man who has labored for 25 or 30 years, who has done his duty as a citizen, who has kept himself honest, . . . merits a tranquil

repose.

When he has completed his sixtieth year he has the right to a pension of 240 francs if he cannot provide for himself and his own." It will be noted that the pension does not come from a fund of accumulated savings paid in by working people and guarded by the state, but is a public disbursement. The expense is borne by the parish or district where the pensioner lives. If a pensioner ceases from good conduct, he is taken to an asylum. "The system," says Professor Rava. "is evidently a perfecting of other principles of traditional charity; it is a new tendency that introduces a subsidy without a resort to asylums, and juridically destroys the character of the subsidy, because it is founded on a public right. And the new right is based on the neces sity of the social coexistence, and recognizes, in the worker who has kept himself honest during long years of labor, a title to repose.'

THE NEW ZEALAND SCHEME.

On January 1, 1900, a pension system like that in Denmark, somewhat modified, went into effect in New Zealand. The pension age is fixed at sixty five, and the pension is £18. The pen.. sioner must be a citizen, have resided 25 years in New Zealand, and by good conduct have

shown himself worthy of it." If the pensioner has some income of his own, the pension is reduced proportionately. Before the passage of the present law, it was proposed, in the New Zealand Parliament, that all citizens who reached the age of 65 years should be entitled to a pension. The law now in operation was published in the Annuaire de la législation du travail publié, par l'Office du travail de Belgique, Bruxelles,

1899.

A similar law is under consideration in Victoria.

In England, as far back as 1864, Gladstone gave attention to the assurance of pensions by state aid, and under his administration an institution for pensions was founded. It still exists, but operatives have not been drawn to its use. Pensions for working people have lately become again a subject for consideration and discussion. ITALY'S SYSTEM.

The Italian law of July 18, 1898, went into effect in 1900. The principle adopted is the union of government aid with the savings of the beneficiaries. Registry is not compulsory. Aid is available for disability at any time apparently after registration, and for an age pension at 60 and 65 years. It is supposed that the aid supplied by the state, as compared with the payments by the beneficiaries, will be in the ratio of about 8 to 6 or 7. The management of the in

stitution through which the law operates is intended to be apart from the state and parties,' and in the hands of skilled financiers. Summing up the anticipated results, Professor Rava says: "In general, calculating the [yearly] contribution of the institution at only 8 lire [francs], and calculating the interest at only 3.75 per cent., an operative enrolled at 25 years of age will have [at 60 years of age a yearly] pension of 62 lire for half a lira a month paid in, and will have 73 lire for the quota contributed by the institution. [Total yearly pension, 135 lire.]

家园

In order to assure a pension of 360 lire at 65 years of age, there must be the following [monthly] contributions [by the beneficiary] in the mutual register: At 20 years, 60 centesimi [114 cents] per month; at 25 years, one lira [one franc per month]; at 30 years, 1.55 lire ; at 35 years, 2.30 lire; at 40 years, 3 lire. assure [the same pension] at 60, the contributions are greater. . . The institution does not guarantee a priori the amount of the pensions."

To

If the future proves that the natural increment of its funds has not been overrated, the National Institution of Assurance may become an instrument of wide beneficence. Its pensions are not to be measured by the needs of American living and American expenses. In frugal Italy, an Italian with a franc a day can keep the wolf from the door and enjoy himself.

THE

WHY EUROPE HATES ENGLAND.

HE editor of the Quarterly Review admits, in his April issue, that our neighbors on the Continent see us at present in an extremely disagreeable light. In no previous epoch of our history, it may probably be said, has there occurred so general an outburst of animosity against this country." In order to supply some explanation of this unpleasant fact, he has adopted the wise course of securing two papers by eminent foreign publicists.

"Violent Irritation" in Germany.

The first is by Herr Julius Rodenberg, editor of the Deutsche Rundschau. He cannot, he says, conceal the fact that the German people, as a whole, is in a condition of violent irritation against England." With this feeling he con

trasts the

Belle Alliance" between the English and Prussian peoples signalized at Waterloo, and the admiration for England which in subsequent decades pervaded German professors and people.

BRITAIN'S UNFRIENDLY ACTS.

Yet, in the days before the Crimean War, England showed the coolest ignorance of Germany

judging the nation by the specimens resident in Leicester Square. And "no sooner did we take the first step toward realizing our political aspirations than we encountered the jealous opposition of Great Britain." The first unfriendly act specified by the writer was the humiliation experienced by Germany, and largely due to the attitude of England," when Denmark seized Schleswig-Holstein in 1848. The movement toward Italian unity won enthusiastic plaudits from England, which yet showed little liking for German unification. The war of 1866 was the outcome and conclusion of the war of 1864; it laid the foundation of the new German empire. But what reproaches, what abuse, had we to bear, especially from England, during those critical years!... Again, it was England whose veiled opposition we encountered, a year later, in the Luxemburg question." Luxemburg question." So early as 1866, Mr. Gladstone had used all his influence to hurl Bismarck, the peace-destroyer,' from his place." When the Franco-German War broke out, "the same statesman did not scruple to declare the war to be the most abominable of the century." The British Government refused to prohibit, during that war, the export of coal, arms, and ammunition to France, and thus enabled France to prolong the war at the expense of Germany. Public opinion, with few exceptions, was hostile to Prussia. After 1871, when German and English commercial interests came into collision, British contempt was transformed into dislike, jealousy, and hatred.

THE GERMAN HEART WITH THE BOERS! On this soreness came the resentment roused by the present war :

The movement in Germany against the policy which England has followed in South Africa arises almost exclusively from ethical grounds, from indignation at the proceedings of a great power against a handful of men fighting for their freedom and independence, and from the suspicions which the mixture of financial with political questions has aroused. But in the leading circles of Germany, even during the period of English defeats, there was not a moment when it was thought possible that the general position of Eng. land could be endangered by the struggle. heart of the German people-of this there can be no kind of doubt--was, and is, with the Boers. But even in the time of our greatest irritation . . . in our own interest we could not desire the downfall of England."

The

The Antipathy of French-Speaking Europe.

M. Brunetière declares that without doubt public opinion in France, as in Switzerland and as