her taxes, will be as diftinct as they are at prefent, from thofe of Great Britain; even their intercourfe of trade must be carried on as between two feparate nations, through the medium of revenue officers. Such diftinctneffes of interest prove, that they require feparate parliaments, refident in each kingdom, to attend to them; that fuch mion is only nominal, and that it does not effect that complete and entire union recommended by his majefty, but fhews, that, from the circumftances of the two nations, the fame is totally impracticable.

3dly, Becaufe the adjustment of the numbers of the Irish members to be added to the two houfes of the imperial parliament has been determined upon without any official documents or other authentic information having been laid before parliament. That upon the union with Scotland, fuch proportion was adjusted by the commiflioners appointed for England and Scotland, upon an examination of their refpective claims, who having thereupon agreed that the number of commoners to be added to the English commons, confifting of 513, hould be 45 on the part of Scotland, and the number of English peers being then 185, they calculated that 16 bore the fame proportion to that number, which 45 bore to the English houfe of commons, and therefore determined upon that number of peers: this calculation juftified the propriety of fuch adjustment, and we cannot conceive upon what principle the number of Irish peers was reduced to 32, when, according to the proportion aforefaid, it ought to have been 53. We muft confider fuch conduct as unjuft in its principle, and wantonly cafting a

ftigma upon the Irish peerage, by depriving 21 of their body of their juft right of fitting in the united parliament.

4thly, Becaufe, that, however proper it may have been for the two parliaments to mark out the great outlines for forming an union between the two nations, we think, that from their fituation in different kingdoms, and the impracticability of communication between them, they were ill fuited to the adjuftment of matters which require detail. That the mode of proceeding adopted by the great lord Somers, upon the union with Scotland, of appointing commiffioners on the behalf of each nation, is proved by experience to have been well adapted to that purpose. That fuch commiffioners, having the means of procuring information, and communicating with each other, were thereby enabled to fettle with propriety, and to the fatisfaction of both nations, fuch matters as fhould be neceflary to be adjusted between them. That, inftead of adopting that wife and rational mode of proceeding, the adjustment of the numbers to be added to the imperial parliament has been established in purfuance of the mandate of the British minifter, without laying be fore parliament any official document whatsoever, or taking any step to procure information concerning fpective claims of the two nations.

the re

5thly, Becaufe, by the original diftribution of power between the two houfes of parliament, it has been established as a leading and fundamental principle of the conftitution, that the commons fhould hold the purfe of the nation, without the interference of the peerage; notwithstanding which, and that the

04

faid

faid bill declares, that the Irish peerages fhall be confidered as peerages of the united kingdom, it directs, that Irish peers fhall be eligible, as commoners, to reprefent any place in Great Britain, whereby the purfe of the hation will be eventually put into the hands of the peers of the united kingdom, under the defcription of Irish peers, in direct defiance of the aforefaid principle. That it is evident that fuch innovation was introduced by the minifter for the purpose of preventing the oppofition which the meafure might receive from fuch Irish peers as were members of the Britifh houfe of commons, which is clearly evinced by their not being made eligible for any place in Ireland, from whence they derive their honours. That by the provision in the bill for a conftant creation of peers for Ireland, the Irish peerage is to be kept up for ever, thereby perpetuating the degrading diftinc tion by which the Irish peerage is to continue firipped of all parliamentary functions. That the perpetuity of fuch diftinction would have been avoided, by providing that no Irith peer fhould hereafter be created (which is the cafe of Scots Peers), and that whenever the Irish peers fhall be reduced to the number of 28, they fhould be declared peers of the united empire, equally with the British, from which time all national diftin&tions between them should ceafe.

6thly, Becaufe, when we advert to the corrupt and unconstitutional language held out by the minifter to fuch members as claimed property in boroughs, intimating to them, that they should be confidered as their private property, and fhould be purchased as fuch, and

the price paid out of the public purfe, fuch language appears to us to amount to a propofal to buy the Irish parliament for government, and makes the union a measure of bargain and fale between the minif ter and the individual.

7thly, Becaufe, when we compare the relative abilities of Great Britain and Ireland, we find the contribution to be paid by the two kingdoms, to the expenfes of the united empire, moft unequally adjufted; and that the fhare of twofeventeenths, fixed upon as the proportion to be paid by Ireland, is far beyond what her refources will enable her to discharge. Should Ireland undertake to pay more than fhe fhall be able to answer, the act will be irrevocable, and the neceffary confequence will be a gradual diminution of her capital, the decline of her trade, a failure in the produce of her taxes, and finally her total bankruptcy. Should Ireland fall, Great Britain must neceffarily be involved in her ruin, and we have to lament that our great and glorious empire will be brought to the brink of deftruction, by the dangerous and vifionary fpeculation of fubftituting a new fyftem of government for Ireland, in the place of that conftitution, which he has experienced to be the firmeft fecurity for the prefervation of her liberties. We think it proper to obferve, that if the minifters had any plaufible grounds, whereupon they have calculated the faid proportion, they have not deigned to lay them before parliament, nor have the ufual and eftablished forms of proceeding to invefligate matters of intricate and extended calculations been reforted to, by appointing committees for their examination; neither have

com

commiffioners been appointed, as was done upon the union with Scotland. Had the minifter applied his attention to that very neceflary inquiry, of afcertaining the relative ability of the two nations, he would have compared the balance which Great Britain has in her favour, from her trade with all the world, amounting to 14,800,000l. with that of Ireland upon the whole of her trade, amounting to 509,3121. bearing a proportion to each other of about 29 to 1-he would have examined into the amount of revenue, out of which the faid proportions must naturally be paid, namely, the produce of the permanent taxes of each nation, which he would have found to have produced in Great Britain, in the year ending the 5th of January, 1799, the fum of 26,000,0007. and the permanent taxes in Ireland in the correfponding year did not exceed 2,000,0007. bearing a proportion to each other of about 13 to 1. He would have been informed that the only influx of money into Ireland which can be difcovered, is the faid balance of her trade of 500,000l. and that the remits to Great Britain annually 721,7531. a fum exceeding by upwards of 215,000l. the amount of fuch balance. That the remittances of her abfentees (as stated by Mr. Pitt) amount to 1,000,000/ but are computed really to anrount to double that fum, and muft neceffarily greatly increafe fhould an union take place, fuch drains exhaufting in a great degree the refources of this kingdom, and adding to the opulence of Great Britain. The facility with which large fums of money have lately been raifed in Great Britain, compared with the unfuccesful attempt to raife to fmall

a fum in this kingdom as one million and a half, would have afforded to him the ftrongeft proof of the opu lence of the one and the poverty of the other. From the Irish minifter's own ftatement he has computed that the fum for which this kingdom fhall be called upon annually in time of war, as her contribution, will amount to 4,492,6801. but has not attempted to point out the means by which he can raife fo enormous a fum. When the minifter fhall find the circumftances of Ireland are fuch as have been herein stated, and hall recollect that this new project has been fuggefted by him, and forced upon this nation, he will feel the immenfe reponfibility which fails upon him for the difaftrous confequences which it may produce, not only upon this kingdom, but upon the whole empire, he will be alarmed at the difcontents which an impofition of taxes beyond the abilities of the people to pay muft producc, and the fatal confequences that they may occafion.

8thly, Because the transfer of out legislature to another kingdom with deprive us of the only fecurity we have for the enjoyment of our liberties, and being against the fenfe of the people, amounts to a grofs breach of truft; and we confider the fubltitute for our conftitution, namely, the return of the propofed number of perfons to the united parliament as delufive, amounting, indeed, to an acknowledgement of the neceffity of reprefentation, but in no fort fupplying it, inafmuch as the 32 peers and the 100 commoners will be merged in the vaft difproportion of British members, who will in fact be the legiflators for Ireland; and when we confider that all the eftablishments of the two feparate

governments are to continue, which muft add to the influence of the minifter over the conduct of parliament, and advert to his power in the return of Irish members to parliament, we conceive that fuch portion is more likely to overturn the conftitution of Great Britain than to preferve our own.

9thly, Because we confider the intended union a direct breach of truft, not only by the parliament with the people, but by the parliament of Great Britain with that of Ireland, inafmuch as the tenour and purport of the fettlement of 1782 did intentiona ly and exprefsly exclude the re-agitation of conftitutional questions between the two countries, and did establish the exclufive legislative authority of the Irish parliament, without the interference of any other. That the breach of fuch a folemn contract, founded on the internal weaknefs of the country, and its inability at this time to withstand the deftruetive defign of the minifter, muft tend to deftroy the future harmony of both, by forming a precedent, and generating a principal of mutual encroachment, in times of mutual difficulties.

10thly, Because, that when we confider the weakness of this kingdom at the time that the meafure was brought forward, and her inability to withstand the deftructive defigns of the minifter, and couple to the act itself the means that have been employed to accomplish it, fuch as the abufe of the place bill, for the purpofe of modelling the parliament-the appointment of the riffs to prevent county meetings the difmillal of the old fledfaft friends of conflitutional government for their adherence to the confti

tution, and the return of persons into parliament who had neither connection nor ftake in this country, and were therefore felected to decide upon her fate-when we confider the armed force of the minifter, added to his powers and practices of corruption, when we couple thele things together, we are warranted to fay, that the baseft means have been used to accomplish this great innovation, and that the measure of union tends to dishonour the ancient peerage for ever, to difqualify both houfes of parliament, and fubjugate the people of Ireland for ever. Such circumftances, we apprehend, will be recollected with abhorrence, and will create jealoufy between the two nations, in the place of harmony, which for fo many cen turies has been the cement of their union.

11thly, Because the argument made ufe of in favour of the union, namely, that the sense of the people of Ireland is in its favour, we know to be untrue; and as the minifters have declared, that they would not prefs the measure against the sense of the people, and as the people have pronounced, and under all difficulties, their judgement against it, we have, together with the fenfe of the country, the authority of the minifter to enter our proteft against the project of union, against the yoke which it impofes, the difhonour which it inflicts, the difqualification paffed upon the peerage, the ftigma thereby branded on the realm, the difproportionate principle of expenfe it introduces, the means employed to effect it, the difcontents it has excited, and muft continue to excite; against all these, and the fatal confequences they may produce, we have endeavoured to interpose our

votes, and failing, we tranfmit to after-times our names in folemn proteft on behalf of the parliament

Letter from the Minister of Foreign Affairs in France to Lord Grenville.

lord, I difpatch, by order

berty which it fecured, the trade which it protected, the connexion which it preferved, and the conftitution which it fupplied and fortified.

This we feel ourselves called upon to do in fupport of our characters, our honour, and whatever is left to us worthy to be tranfmitfed to our pofterity. Leinster, Meath, Granard,

Moira, by proxy, for the
8th, 10th, and 11th rea-
fons,

Ludlow, by proxy,
Arran,

Charlemont,

Kingston, by proxy,
Riverfdale, by proxy,
Mountcafhell,
Farnham,

Belmore, by proxy,
Maffey, by proxy,
Strangford,
Powerscout,

De Vefci,

Wm. Down and Connor.
R. Waterford and Lifmore,
Sunderlin, except for the
7th reafon,
Lilmore, by proxy.

conful of the French republic, a meffenger to London; he is the bearer of a letter from the firft conful of the republic to his majefty the king of England. I request you to give the neceffary orders, that he may be enabled to deliver it directly into your own hands. This ftep, in itself, announces the importance of its object. Accept, my lord, the affurance of my highest confideration.

(Signed) Ch. Mau. Talleyrand. Paris, 5th Nivole, 8th year of the French republic, (Dec. 25, 1799.)

French Republic-Sovereignty of the People-Liberty-Equality.

Bonaparte, firft Conful of the Republic, to his Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland.

Paris, 5th Nivofe, Sth Year of the Republic.

Called by the withes of the French nation to occupy the first magiftracy of the republic, I think it proper, on entering into office, to make a direct communication of it to your majefty. The war, which for eight years has ravaged the four quarters of the world, muft it be eternal? Are there no means of coming to an understanding? How can the two most enlightened nations of Europe, powerful and strong beyond what their fafety and independence require, facrifice to ideas of vain greatnefs the benefits of commerce, internal profperity,

and