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Even under these circumstances, what measures have we taken that betray a desire of independence? Have we called in the aid of those foreign powers, who are the rivals of your grandeur? When your troops were few and defenceless, did, we take advantage of their distress and expel them our towns? Or have we permitted them to fortify, to receive new aid, and to acquire additional strength?

Let not your enemies and ours persuade you, that in this we were influenced by fear or any other unworthy motive. The lives of Britons are still dear to us. They are the children of our parents, and an uninterrupted intercourse of mutual benefits had knit the bonds of friendship. When hostilities were commenced, when on a late occasion we were wantonly attacked by your troops, though we repelled their assaults and returned their blows, yet we lamented the wounds they obliged us to give; nor have we yet learned to rejoice at a victory over Englishmen.

As we wish not to colour our actions, or disguise our thoughts, we shall, in the simple language of truth, avow the measures we have pursued, the motives upon which we have acted, and our future designs.

When our late petition to the throne produced no other effect than fresh injuries, and votes of your legislature, calculated to justify every severity; when your fleets and your armies were prepared to wrest from us our property, to rob us of our liberties or our lives; when the hostile attempts of general Gage evinced his designs, we levied armies for our security and defence. When the powers vested in the governor of Canada, gave us reason to apprehend danger from that quarter; and we had frequent intimations, that a cruel and savage enemy was to be let loose upon the defenceless inhabitants of our frontiers; we took such measures as prudence dictated, as necessity will justify. We possessed ourselves of Crown-Point and Ticonderoga. Yet give us leave most solemnly to assure you, that we have not yet lost sight of the object we have ever had in view, a reconciliation with you on constitutional principles, and a rostoration of that friendly intercourse, which, to the advantage of both, we till lately maintained.

The inhabitants of this country apply themselves chiefly to agriculture and commerce. As their fashions and manners are similar to yours, your markets must afford them the conveniencies and luxuries, for which they exchange the produce of their labours. The wealth of this extended continent centres with you; and our trade is so regulated as to be subservient only to your interest. You are too reasonable to expect, that by taxes (in addition to this) we should contribute to your expense; to believe, after diverting the fountain, that the streams can flow with unabated force.

It has been said, that we refuse to submit to the restrictions on our commerce. From whence is this inference drawn? Not from our words, we have repeatedly declared the contrary; and we again profess our submission to the several acts of trade and navigation, passed before the year 1763, trusting, nevertheless, in the equity and justice of parliament, that such of them as, upon cool and impartial consideration, shall appear to have imposed unnecessary or grievous restrictions, will, at some happier period, be repealed or altered. And we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British parliament, as shall be restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective members; excluding every idea of taxation internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in America, without their consent.

It is alleged that we contribute nothing to the common defence. To this we answer, that the advantages which Great-Britain receives from the monopoly of our trade, far exceed our proportion of the expense necessary for that purpose. But should these advantages be inadequate thereto. let the restric

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tions on our trade be removed, and we will cheerfully contribute such proportion when constitutionally required.

It is a fundamental principle of the British constitution, that every man should have at least a representative share in the formation of those laws, by which he is bound. Were it otherwise, the regulation of our internal police by a British parliament, who are and ever will be acquainted with our local circumstances, must be always inconvenient, and frequently oppressive, working our wrong, without yielding any possible advantage to you.

A plan of accommodation (as it has been absurdly called) has been proposed by your ininisters to our respective assemblies. Were this proposal free from every other objection, but that which arises from the time of the offer, it would not be unexceptionable. Can men deliberate with the bayonet at their breast? Can they treat with freedom, while their towns are sacked; when daily instances of injustice and oppression disturb the slower operations of reason?

If this proposal is really such as you would offer and we accept, why was it delayed till the nation was put to useless expense, and we were reduced to our present melancholy situation? If it holds forth nothing, why was it proposed? Unless indeed to deceive you into a belief, that we were unwilling to listen to any terms of accommodation. But what is submitted to our consideration ? We contend for the disposal of our property. We are told that our demand is unreasonable, that our assemblies may indeed collect our money, but that they must at the same time offer, not what your exigencies or ours may require, but so much as shall be deemed sufficient to satisfy the desires of a minister and enable him to provide for favorites and dependants. A recurrence to your own treasury will convince you how little of the money already extorted from us has been applied to the relief of your burthens. To suppose that we would thus grasp the shadow and give up the substance, is adding insult to injurie's.

We have nevertheless again presented an humble and dutiful petition to our sovereign, and to remove every imputation of obstinacy, have requested his majesty to direct some mode, by which the united applications of his faithful colonists may be improved into happy and permanent reconciliation. We are willing to treat on such terms as can alone render an accommodation lasting, and we flatter ourselves that our pacific endeavors will be attended with a removal of ministerial troops, and a repeal of those laws, of the operation of which we complain, on the one part, and a disbanding of our army, and a dissolution of our commercial associations, on the other.

Yet conclude not from this that we propose to surrender our property into the hands of your ministry, or vest your parliament with a power which may terminate in our destruction. The great bulwarks of our constitution we have desired to maintain by every temperate, by every peaceable means; but your ninisters (equal foes to British and American freedom) have added to their former oppressions an attempt to reduce us by the sword to a base and abject submission. On the sword, therefore, we are compelled to rely for protection. Should victory declare in your favor, yet men trained to arms from their infancy, and animated by the love of liberty, will afford neither a cheap or easy conquest. Of this at least we are assured, that our struggle will be glorious, our success certain; since even in death we shall find that freedom which in life you forbid us to enjoy.

Let us now ask what advantages are to attend our reduction ? the trade of a ruined and desolate country is always inconsiderable, its revenue trifling; the expense of subjecting and retaining it in subjection certain and inevitable. What then remains but the gratification of an ill-judged pride, or the hope of rendering us subservient to designs on your liberty.

Soldiers who have sheathed their swords in the bowels of their American brethren, will not draw them with more reluctance against you. When too

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late you may lament the loss of that freedom, which we exhort you, while still in your power, to preserve.

On the other hand, should you prove unsuccessful; should that connexion, which we most ardently wish to maintain, be dissolved; should your ministers exhaust your treasures and waste the blood of your countrymen in vain attempts on our liberty; do they not deliver you, weak and defenceless, to your natural enemies ?

Since then your liberty must be the price of your victories; your ruin, of your defeat: What blind fatality can urge you to a pursuit destructive of all that Britons hold dear?

If you have no regard to the connexion that has for ages subsisted between us; if you have forgot the wounds we have received fighting by your side for the extension of the empire; if our commerce is not an object below your consideration; if justice and humanity have lost their influence on your hearts ; still motives are not wanting to excite your indignation at the measures now pursued; your wealth, your honor, your liberty are at stake.

Notwithstanding the distress to which we are reduced, we sometimes forget our own afflictions, to anticipate and sympathize in yours. We grieve that rash and inconsiderate councils should precipitate the destruction of an empire, which has been the envy and admiration of ages, and call God to witness! that we would part with our property, endanger our lives, and sacrifice every thing but liberty, to redeem you from ruin.

A cloud hangs over your heads and ours; ere this reaches you, it may probably burst upon us ; let us then (before the remembrance of former kindness is obliterated) once more repeat those appellations which are ever grateful in our ears; let us entreat heaven to avert our ruin, and the destruction that threatens our friends, brethren and countrymen, on the other side of the Atlantic.

Ordered, That the above address be immediately printed, and sent by Mr. Penn to England.

The letter to the lord mayor, aldermen and livery of London, being again read and debated, was agreed to as follows:

MY LORD,

Permit the delegates of the people of twelve ancient colonies, to pay your lordship, and the very respectable body of which you are head, the just tribute of gratitude and thanks, for the virtuous and unsolicited resentment you have shewn to the violated rights of a free people. The city of London, my lord, having in all ages, approved itself the patron of liberty, and the support of just government, against lawless tyranny and oppression, cannot fail to make us deeply sensible of the powerful aid, our cause must receive from such advocates. A cause, my lord, worthy the support of the first city in the world, as it involves the fate of a great continent, and threatens to shake the foundations of a flourishing, and, until lately, a happy empire.

North-America, my lord, wishes most ardently for a lasting connexion with Great-Britain on terms of just and equal liberty; less than which generous minds will not offer, nor brave and free ones be willing to receive.

A cruel war has at length been opened against us, and whilst we prepare to defend ourselves like the descendants of Britons, we still hope that the mediar tion of wise and good citizens, will at length prevail over despotism, and restore harmony and peace, on permanent principles, to an oppressed and divided empire.

We have the honor to be, my lord,
With great esteem, your lordship's
Faithful friends and fellow-subjects.

Ordered, That the above letter be transcribed, then signed by the president, The committee appointed to prepare a letter to Mr. Penn and the colony agents, reported a draught, which was read and approved as follows:

GENTLEMEN,

The perseverance of the British ministry in their unjust and cruel system of colony administration, has occasioned the meeting of another Congress.

We have again appealed to the justice of our sovereign for protection against the destruction which his ministers meditate for his American subjects. This petition to his majesty you will please, gentlemen, to present to the king with all convenient expedition, after which we desire it may be given to the public. We likewise send you our second application to the equity and interest of our fellow-subjects in Great-Britain, and also a declaration setting forth the causes of our taking up arms: Both which we wish may be immediately put to press, and communicated as universally as possible.

The Congress entertain the highest sense of the wise and worthy interposition of the lord mayor and livery of London, in favour of injured America. They have expressed this, their sense, in a letter to his lordship and the livery, which we desire may be presented in the manner most agreeable to that respectable body.

You will oblige us, gentlemen, by given the most early information to the Congress, and to the speakers of our respective assemblies, of your proceeding in this business, and such further intelligence as you may judge to be of importance to America in this great contest.

We are, with great regard, gentlemen, &c.

Ordered, That the above be fairly transcribed, and then signed by the president, and by him sent under cover, together with the petition to the king, and address to the inhabitants of Great-Britain, and the letter to the lord mayor, &c. to Richard Penn, esq. and that the president request Mr. Penn, in behalf of the Congress, to join with the colony agents in presenting the petition to the king.

Adjourned till Monday at nine o'clock.

MONDAY, July 10, 1775.

Met according to adjournment.

Information being given, that there was a gentleman in town well acquainted with the state and disposition of the Indians, a motion was made for introducing him, and he was accordingly introduced and examined.

The committee appointed to devise ways and means for putting the militia in a proper state for the defence of America, brought in their report, which was read, and after debate referred for further consideration.

Adjourned till to-morrow at nine o'clock.

TUESDAY, July 11, 1775.

Met according to adjournment.

The report of the committee on Indian affairs was taken up and read, and, after some debate, the same was deferred till to-morrow.

On information that there were two companies of riflemen raised in Lancaster instead of one,

Resolved, That both be taken into the continental service.

"An address of deputies from the different parishes of the islands of Bermuda," to the Congress, was presented and read.

Adjourned till to-morrow at nine o'clock.

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Met according to adjournment.

A gentleman from the province of Quebec was introduced and examined. Letters from governor Cooke and general Ward were read.

The Congress then resumed the consideration of the report of the committee on Indian affairs, and the same being gone through was agreed to as follows:

That the securing and preserving the friendship of the Indian nations, appears to be a subject of the utmost moment to these colonies.

That there is too much reason to apprehend that administration will spare no pains to excite the several nations of Indians to take up arms against these colonics; and it becomes us to be very active and vigilant in exerting every prudent means to strengthen and confirm the friendly disposition towards these colonies, which has long prevailed among the northern tribes, and which has been lately manifested by some of those to the southward.

As the Indians depend on the colonists for arins, ammunition, and clothing, which are become necessary to their subsistence, that commissioners be appointed by this Congress, to superintend Indian affairs in behalf of these colonies.

ern.

That there be three departments of Indians, the northern, middle and southThe northern to extend so far south as to include the whole of the Indians known by the name of the Six Nations, and all the Indians northward of those nations. The southern department to extend so far north as to include the Cherokees, and all the Indians that may be to the southward of them. The middle to contain the Indian nations that lie between the other two departments.

That five commissioners be appointed for the southern department.

That for each of the other two departments, there be appointed three commissioners.

That the commissioners have power to treat with the Indians in their respective departments, in the name, and on behalf of the United Colonies, in order to preserve peace and friendship with the said Indians, and to prevent their taking any part in the present commotions.

That the commissioners for the southern department, receive from the continental treasury the sum of ten thousand dollars; the commissioners for the middle and northern department, the sum of six thousand six hundred and sixty-six and two-thirds, for each of their respective departments, for defraying the expense of treaties and presents to the Indians.

That the commissioners respectively have power to take to their assistance gentlemen of influence among the Indians, in whom they can confide, and to appoint agents, residing near or among the Indians, to watch the conduct of the superintendents and their emisaries.

That in case the commissioners for the respective districts, or any one of them in either district, shall have satisfactory proof, that the king's superintendents, their deputies or agents, or any other person whatsoever, are active in stirring up or inciting the Indians or any of them, to become inimical to the American colonies, such commissioner or commissioners, ought to cause such superintendents or other offender, to be seized and kept in safe custody until order shall be taken therein by a majority of the commissioners of the districts where such seizure is made, or by the Continental Congress, or a committee of said Congress, to whom such seizure, with the causes of it, shall, as soon as possible after, be made known.

That the commissioners shall exhibit fair accounts of the expenditure of all moneys by them respectively to be received for the purposes aforesaid, to every succeeding Continental Congress, or committee of Congress, together with a general state of Indian affairs, in their several departments; in order that the colonies may be informed from time to time, of every such matter as may concern them to know and avail themselves of, for the benefit of the common

cause.

That as there is a seminary for the instruction of Indian youth, which has been established under the care of doctor Wheelock, on Connecticut river; and as there are nine or ten Indian youths at that school, chiefly from the tribes residing in Quebec; and as for want of a proper fund, there is danger that VOL. I:

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