MARCH 1, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. crime. It may be the former, but cannot be the latter. justice and humanity. I am no advocate for slavery. I wish Were the question submitted to me, whether slavery success to the exertions of the philanthropists of all the should be introduced, I should, unhesitatingly, decide States, who are engaged in ameliorating the condition of, against it: for such is my devotion to liberty and the rights and laboring to restore, this unhappy race to the land of their of man, that I would have no agency in subjecting the fathers; and should another Moses rise up, and lead them person or will of one man to the dominion of another. peaceably to a distant land of liberty and plenty, I would Still, I am not prepared to condemn it as a crime, or charge not join in the pursuit to bring them back. What is our those who own them, under existing circumstances, with condition? We have the evil, and how can we get rid of doing wrong. All history speaks of its existence from it? That free people of color cannot live amongst us, is the earliest ages. Homer, the father of poets, makes demonstrated by what is seen in Ohio and the other non Hector tell Andromache, his wife, if Troy shall fall, she slave-holding Western States. I have in my hand the will draw water at the well of some victor chief. The memorial of two thousand free people of color, resident Phoenicians, Egyptians, Carthagenians, Greeks, and in Ohio, praying this Congress to provide them funds to Romans, all had slaves; with them the masters possessed enable them to remove to Canada, because they cannot the jus vitæ et necis--a state of slavery not tolerated in any remain in the State of Ohio, on account of the severity of of the United States: for, in all the States, laws are in the laws imposed on them. I do not censure the State of force requiring the masters to treat their slaves with hu- Ohio for the rigor of its statutes, because a community manity and kindness. We all know there is nothing in has a right to provide for its own safety. It proves, howthe Old Testament condemning it, nor in the New. I ad- ever, that these general notions about the liberation of mit that the commission of the Prince of Peace was to slaves are idle and visionary, when attempts are made to the hearts of men, and it was no part of his office to reduce them to practice. The State of Indiana has forchange governments or political institutions. Yet one warded its memorial, asking Congress for aid to remove thing ought to be admitted on the other side, that no vice the free people of color, now in that State, to Liberia. or sinful practice escaped his notice and animadversion. This shows that those who have tried the experiment of He came to reprove the world of all sin. Seeing that having free people of color amongst them, have become slavery existed at the time of his appearance amongst men, weary of it. I doubt whether this project of a settlement and within his knowledge, he enjoined it on slaves to be in Canada will succeed. I am not sure that the descenobedient to their masters, and did not command masters to dants of Africa can grow and thrive in a cold, frozen reliberate their slaves. I think the inference is clear and gion. If they can, may not all the horrid scenes, so ably conclusive, that it is not sinful to hold slaves; nor does portrayed by the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. it present any obstacle in the way that leads to everlasting SMITH] occur? May not their present advocates and their happiness. The error, and the great error of this sub- children have to meet them in a very different character ject, is not attributable to the slave-holder, but to those han that of friends? This, I fear, will happen, whenever who produced this state of things. While England's Great Britain shall order it to be so. most inspired poet, of his day, was saying, in the language of enchantment, "I would not have a slave to till my ground, "And tremble when I wake, for all the wealth I had much rather by myself the slave, We have heard much upon the subject of removals from office. Some gentlemen have charged the administration with proscription; and one Senator, [Mr. HOLMES] still bolder than the rest, has charged it with "glutting its vengeance" upon its enemies. I like not this predatory warfare. I now challenge gentlemen to come out boldly, and discuss this subject with us freely and frankly, not calling to their aid passion or feeling. These are poor auxiliaries in inquiries after truth. In this way I will enWhile her orators were pouring forth similar language deavor to examine this subject, and afterwards will make in the Senate and the Forum: even at that very time, with some remarks specially for the gentleman from Maine the connivance, and by the authority and direction of the [Mr. HOLMES.] The question, as insisted on by the other Government, her subjects were engaged on the shores of side, is, that the Senate has the constitutional right to exAfrica, tearing asunder all the ligaments which bind the amine into and judge of the propriety of removals from husband to the wife and the parent to the child! And office, and to control the Executive in the discharge of this why was this done? Not to transport them to Great branch of his duty. We say the Senate possesses no such Britain. No. "Slaves cannot breathe in England; they authority, and that our power is confined to the question touch our country, and their shackles fall." This is the of fitness of unfitness of the persons nominated to succeed. language of poetry and fancy. What is the language of I think I have stated the matter in difference fairly, and truth and fact? Their labor was not needed in Great will proceed to its discussion. This is a subject of great Britain; already the population was so great as to be fed delicacy. It not only relates to the powers of the Presiwith difficulty, therefore were they sent to the British dent, but the powers of this House. If we decide that West Indies and her American plantations, as if this miti- the President has not this power, we determine in favor of gated the offence committed against high Heaven and the our own. We should approach this subject with great caurights of man. It was not until the year 1806 that this traffic tion, lest we be misled by the idea which sometimes influwas put a stop to by the British Government. It was the last enees the human mind, that power is always dangerous in act of Mr. Fox's public life. But let us come nearer home. the hands of others, though entirely harmless in our own; and When the history of this unhappy race shall be fairly written, more especially should we act warily, when we recollect the name of no Marylander, no Virginian, no Carolinian, that, for forty years, ever since this Government went (North or South) no Georgian, no man of the West, (for into operation, the practice we contend for has prevailWest there was none at that day) will be found inscribed, ed, bottomed upon a legislative construction of the conin that chapter which is written in tears and blood. It stitution, made by the House of Representatives, the was the citizens of some of the Eastern States who car- Senate, and President of the United States, in the year ried on this traffic. My friend from Rhode Island [Mr. 1789. If those who insist on the power of the Senate ROBBINS] can tell you more upon this subject than I know. are not warranted by the constitution, they are guilty of I name not this by way of reproach on the great body of a greater error than that of which they complain. They the population. I have no doubt the moral sense of the are attempting to usurp a power not given to them by the community was against it; but the avarice and cupidity of constitution. In the first place, we will examine who Some of their citizens prevailed over considerations of possesses this power of removal under the constitution. SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [MARCH 1, 1830. The great, distinguishing, and characteristic principle in the President, who has already pronounced him unworour institutions, State and Federal, is the separate, dis- thy of confidence, and not fit to be trusted. What kind tinct, and independent existence of the different depart of a cabinet will you have, made up and forced to remain ments, Legislative, Judicial, and Executive; and on every together, of such materials? Should the Secretary of the question of this kind, reference should be had to this lead- Treasury, in the absence of the Senate, be about to seing feature in our Government. In the first section of the crete all the money of the Government, will it do to wait second article of the constitution, it is provided that "the to take the advice of the Senate as to his removal? In Executive power shall be vested in a President of the time of danger and contest, the Secretary of War is in United States of America," &c. Had nothing more been the act of betraying the armies of the United States into said in the constitution, all seem to admit that the power the hands of the enemy: shall the President wait, and ask of appointment and removal would exclusively belong to the Senate what is to be done? The Secretary of the the President as a branch of Executive authority, and to Navy is about to deliver up the whole navy to the enemy; appertain to him as the Chief Magistrate of the nation. shall the President possess no power to displace him, but In the second section of the same article, his powers are sit quietly by, until his advisers shall convene? Gentleenumerated, and appointment to office is one of them; but men say, the President ought to suspend the officer, and in making the appointment, he must obtain the advice and wait till the meeting of the Senate before the removal can consent of the Senate. This constitutes an exception to be effected. I answer, that the power of suspension is the general rule; that the departments are to be separate not given by the constitution, and it will require a greater and distinct; and there is wisdom in this provision. The power to suspend and appoint another, to perform the du framers of the constitution foresaw that all experience had ties in the interim, than to remove and supply the vacanproved, under this Government, that a President, with the cy. If the Senate possesses this power, the existing pracbest intentions, and anxious only to promote the general tice of the Government must be changed; the Senate good, might make a selection of an individual, through must always be in session. Our legislative functions must want of correct information, who would be deficient in be abandoned; the whole time will be consumed in these moral or intellectual worth. This has happened under investigations. every administration. When this occurs, and the name of In the year 1789, this subject was taken up in the House the individual is placed before the Senate, a strict scrutiny of Representatives of the Congress of the United States, is instituted; and if, upon examination, he is found unwor-upon a bill to establish the Department of State. The thy, he is withdrawn by the President, or rejected by the bill, as introduced, contained a provision giving the power Senate. In making this investigation into the character of removal to the President. Upon a full discussion, the and qualifications of the individual nominated, the Senate clause giving the power to remove was stricken out, upon has the aid of the Senators of the State in which he re- the ground that the Chief Magistrate possessed the pow sides, who are generally acquainted, and know whethe er under the constitution; and the bill was so changed as the President has been misled by information received to acknowledge the pre-existing constitutional right, or from others. Thus far the constitution expressly au- power, in the President of the United States. The bill, thorizes the Senate to act in aid of, and in conjunction thus modified, passed the House of Representatives and with, the President of the United States, and no farther. Senate, and was approved by General Washington, then If further joint action were deemed proper, it could easi- President of the United States. ly have been expressed. Expressio unius et exclusio alterius, He was a member of Let it be remembered that Mr. Madison, who is one of the best constitutional lawyers our country has ever proWas there any necessity or propriety in giving the duced, was a member of that Congress, and advocated power now contended for to the Senate? If it can be the opinion for which I contend. shown that it would do injury, and destroy the harmo- the convention that framed the constitution; had met the nious operations of the Government, it ought not to be best talents of the country in the Virginia convention; had considered as existing in this body, unless clearly given. there discussed it in all its bearings and tendencies; and Thus far we have considered the mode by which an in- was then, in 1789, engaged in putting the Government dividual gets into office. The question arises, how is he into practical operation. Fisher Ames, whose fame and to be gotten out, and by whom? So soon as an Execu- talents were great enough not only to make New Engtive officer is appointed, he is placed under the immediate land, but all America, feel proud that he was her citizen, inspection and control of the President, who becomes advocated the opinion which prevailed. intimately acquainted with his qualifications. Are his In order that it might be understood how every Presi talents equal to his station? Has he integrity, industry, dent and Senate have thought and acted, from the comand all those other qualities, which will enable him to dis-mencement of the Government, I have looked into the charge his duties beneficially to the country? If so, the Executive Journal, and find that every Chief Magistrate probability is strong in favor of his being retained, unless has acted upon this power as exclusively appertaining to his place can be as well or better supplied. On the other him. I hold in my hands a copy of General Washington's hand, the President discovers a deficiency. It is his duty commission to Mr. Jefferson, as Secretary of State, proto remove him; and then, according to the argument on bably the first issued under the Government. the other side, the case comes before the Senate for trial, mission reads, that the office is to be held during the pleaI suppose. The Senate will not take the will of the Pre-sure of the President of the United States. Also, the Under sident as the rule of its decision: for, if it should, no valu- commission of Mr. Morris, as minister to France. able purpose could be obtained by the action of the Sen- every President, all commissions to executive officers have We are then to inquire whether this man shall be issued in the same way. retained. We must not make a mockery of it; he must On the 3d of May, 1792, Edward Cross was removed, have a fair trial, and as necessary incidents to it, witness- and Edward Wigglesworth was appointed collector at es and counsel must be heard; and you thus place the the port of Newburyport. The surveyor of the port of Chief Magistrate of the country in the odious attitude of Plymouth, in North Carolina, was removed on the 19th of a public prosecutor, who may fail to make out his case, November, 1792. Mr. Carmichael, a foreign minister, as nothing is more true than that a fact may exist to the satisfaction of all men, and yet not be provable before a judicial tribunal. Suppose the Senate should decide that the officer shall not be removed--say the Secretary of He is sent back as the first confidential adviser of ate. State. That com was recalled-1 Executive Journal, p. 157. The collector of Yorktown was removed, as appears by Executive Journal, 1 vol. p. 165; a collector in Maryland, p. 172; a collector in Jersey, p. 173; a collector in South Carolina, p. 194; an inspector of revenue in Jersey, p. 176; MARCH 1, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. an inspector of revenue in South Carolina, p. 203. out the whole country. They have a common interest in These removals were made by General Washington, with-giving public opinion a direction in their own favor. Hence, out consulting the Senate. whenever a removal takes places, all, or most of them, unite exercise of it. Mr. John Adams, iramediately upon coming into office, in condemning it, and they have succeeded in giving curdismissed the collector of New York. I name not this rency to the idea, that there is an actual ownership of office with a view to show his love of power; my feelings to- in the possessor; and they speak of their offices as they wards his memory are of a different kind; but for the pur-do of lands and other property, which they have bought pose of showing, that he considered the power as so and paid for; when, in truth, (I speak of Executive offices) clearly existing, that no difficulty presented itself in the the offices are created for the public benefit; and officers He also removed the collector in Charles- are employed as mere agents to perform the duties, so ton; a consul at Bordeaux, in France; a supervisor of the long as their services will be more advantageous to the revenue in New Hampshire; a surveyor and inspector of public than others who can be employed; and so soon as the revenue in Virginia; the collector and inspector of others can be engaged who will, in the opinion of the apPerth Amboy, (Jersey.) On the 12th May, 1800, Mr. pointing power, better promote the public interests, they Adams removed Mr. Pickering, then Secretary of State. ought to be displaced. Much has been said about On the 6th of January, 1802, Mr. Jefferson nominated turning men out who are unable to make a livelihood in twenty-three persons to the Senate, to fill vacancies occa-any other way. When I hear this, I know that right has sioned by removals made by him. been done. In this wide extended country, furnishing such a variety of means for mental and manual, employments, if an individual cannot live without office, I pronounce him unfit for that. If this idea, which is so earnestly pressed, is to prevail, your Government will bethrifts, who, having destroyed their own substance, will claim employment and support from the public treasury. It is also urged, that some are removed who have been many years in office. I think the error lies in furnishing this argument to them, by having retained them so long. The offices held by these individuals have either been advantageous and profitable, or otherwise. If the first, they ought not to monopolize the benefits for too great a period; they should give place to others, and not exclude all their contemporaries during their whole lives. If the of fice has been disadvantageous, they ought to be relieved from the burthen. Mr. Madison removed the marshal of Georgia in 1809. On the 7th of March, 1814, Mr. Meigs was nominated to the Senate as Postmaster General; and a motion was made in the Senate, the object of which was, to ascertain from the President whether the office was vacant; and, if come a parish for the support of prodigals and spendso, how it had become so? This proposition was negatived, and the nomination of Mr. Meigs approved. Mr. Monroe, on the 12th December, 1817, nominated a consul, a receiver of public moneys, and a naval officer, at Wilmington, North Carolina, to supply vacancies occasioned by removals. On the 5th of March, 1825, Mr. John Quincy Adams nominated a person as consul to fill a vacancy occasioned by a removal. I have selected the cases referred to, for the purpose of showing that every President has exercised the power, now contested for the first time, since 1789; and no question was ever raised in the Senate, except upon the nomi- Gentlemen say it is an imputation on the character of an nation of Mr. Meigs as Postmaster General; and then a officer, to be deprived of his office. It is not so, except majority of the Senate decided that the President could so far as officers have made it so, by pressing it as an argunot be questioned upon the subject. When gentlemen ment for retaining their places. It only proves that there contend against this power, and its exercise by the Presi- is another man as well qualified as he is to perform the dent, they seem to forget that the President is elected by duties; and that the Government can be administered withthe people, and is responsible to them; and his tenure of out his aid. office is even shorter than our own. Besides, he must for After all, I consider this subject of removal, as a matter a long time have stood before the public, and his conduct wholly between the Chief Magistrate and the people, with have been well examined. In this I think there is great which the Senate has nothing to do, except to see that security. If gentlemen will only exercise a little patience, unworthy men are not appointed. How this power ought in about two years and a-half they can try this question to be exercised is left to the Executive discretion, not between the present Chief Magistrate and themselves, to ours. before the great American tribunal--THE PEOPLE. When Mr. Jefferson came into power, he found most of So long as the present practice continues, you secure the officers filled by his political adversaries. He made a responsibility. Now, the President is looked to as ac-liberal use of this power, deeming its exercise healthful countable for the manner in which the whole Executive to the body politic. In answer to the New Haven remonDepartment is conducted; and so long as he can alone re-strance, which was against removals, he insists that, in ormove the subordinate officers, this accountability is just; der to secure a fair participation in the offices of the Gobut the moment you force men, and continue them upon vernment, he must use this power, as "few die (speaking him, you furnish him with arguments which will exonerate of the officers) and none resign." him before the nation. May he not justly say, that he has Were I to give my own opinion, as a citizen, I should no control over the inferior officers in the Executive De- say, that all who had prostituted their official influence partment; that his wishes are disregarded; and that he has and power for electioneering purposes, should be removno power to coerce those engaged in performing different ed; likewise, all who loved their party more than their duties, to execute his will? The state of insubordination country, and had manifested such feelings and dispositions which must follow, in practice, from the opinion contended as made it apparent that they would rejoice at a failure of for on the other side, will destroy all harmony and respon- the administration, rather than its success. For a free, sibility. If this power of controlling the Executive be assumed by the Senate, all the great powers of the Government will be concentrated in this body. Already we can prevent the Representative will from having effect, by negativing the bills of the other House; by the power of the Senate now contended for, we can bring the Executive to our feet. full, independent exercise of the right of suffrage, no man should be removed. These are my opinions, nor am I aware that the present administration has gone beyond them. I now say to gentlemen, that all their charges of proscription and of glutting vengeance are but the nibbling of minnows at a mountain; they cannot remove one pebble from its base; and although I am aware that I can add Why is it that we hear so much complaint on the sub-nothing to the strength or beauty of that vast pillar of reject of removals from office? It is owing to a congeniality nown, which the great and patriotic actions of the present of feeling among office holders, State and Federal, through- Chief Magistrate have reared up for him, I will say one VOL. VI.-28 SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [MARCH 1, 1830. thing to the gentleman from Maine, [Mr. HOLMES.] When and the rights of man; and, although noxious vapors may minor men shall die, and rot, and be forgotten, the name of arise, and settle and abide there, as elsewhere, for a seaAndrew Jackson will be held in reverence by all posterity, son, the rays of the sun of liberty will penetrate and disand his great actions will be a shining light, pointing out sipate them. to benighted nations the way that leads to liberty and happiness. I thank the Senator from Missouri for all the kind feel ings he has manifested towards the ancient sufferings of Sir, gentlemen might as well attempt to raise a commo- the West. Sir, they were great. I know it. I need turn tion in the ocean, by throwing pebbles on its surface, as to to no documents to tell me what they were; they are writagitate the people of this nation on account of the remo- ten upon my memory, a part of them upon my heart. The val of a few subordinate officers, who have held their offices honored men you see here are but the remnants, the sayalready for too long a period, and whose places are wellings, the wreck, of large families lost in effecting the earsupplied. The same clamor was attempted to be raised ly settlement of the West. If I look to the right or to the against Mr. Jefferson; the groans and lamentations were as left, and all around, I see mementoes of ancient suffering loud and long, and still no effect was produced to his dis-and woe. Ask my colleague, [General DESHA] who sits advantage. near me, what he remembers. He will tell you that, This debate [said Mr. G.] reminds me of the days of while his father was in. pursuit of one party of Indians, other years. My name has been introduced by my friends another party came in and murdered two of his brothers. as the author of a sentiment or doctrine called moral trea. Inquire of yonder Governor of Arkansas, [Mr. Pore] what son. In 1813, when this country was in its greatest peril became of his brother-in-law, Oldham? He will tell you and danger; when the richest blood of the West had en-that he went out to battle and never returned. Ask that riched the soil of Tippecanoe and the banks of the Raisin; honorable Representative, [Mr. WICKLIFFE] where is your when Daviess and Allen, and other patriots had fallen; uncle, the gallant Hardin? He was intrepid enough to when Winchester, Madison, Lewis, and Winder, were in carry a flag of truce (under the direction of the Governcaptivity; when I saw the blood of my country issuing from ment) to the hostile savages. They did not know the every pore; I likewise saw a portion of our citizens dis-sanctity and protection which the flag of peace threw couraging enlistments, and dissuading capitalists from around him, and they slew him. If I turn to my old classloaning their money to the Government. I did pronounce mate and friend, [Mr. RowAN] one of the ancient sons of men, thus engaged, moral traitors. I argued thus: If an the wilderness, now a grave, and wise, and potent Senaindividual shall arm himself, and go over to the enemy, tor, I am reminded of a mother's courage and intrepidity; and stand in his ranks, he is guilty of treason under the and who she rescued from savage hands, when in the constitution, because he has added the overt act to his grasp of death. treasonable intent. If the same individual shall not go over I was too young to participate in the dangers and difficulto the enemy, but remain with us, and employ his influ- ties of my country; but I can remember when death was ence so as to prevent ten men from joining the standard in almost every bush, and every thicket concealed an amof their country, he thereby does a greater injury to his buscade. If I am asked to trace my memory back, and Government; and his intention is as criminal as though he name the first indelible impression imprinted on it, it had been found in the ranks of the enemy. So I spoke would be the sight of my eldest brother, bleeding and dyof those who used their influence to prevent the loans of ing under the wounds inflicted by the tomahawk and money which were necessary and indispensable to a success- scalping knife: another and another went in the same way. ful prosecution of the war. I spoke as I then and still I have seen a widowed mother plundered of her whole think. I re-affirm it. But I need not urge arguments to property, in a single night; from affluence and ease reducenforce a doctrine now admitted by all as canonical. Al-ed to poverty in a moment, and thereby compelled to labor though, like other truths, it was disputed and questioned with her own hands, to educate her last and favorite son, when first advanced, now none seem to controvert it. I who now addresses you. Sir, I remember the two commust here express my regret that the gentleman from panics (spoken of by the Senator from Missouri) sent by Maine, [Mr. HOLMES] who then stood up in the Legisla- Virginia to our relief. They were called rangers. They ture of Massachusetts, and manfully, ably, and eloquent- were stout, rough-looking men, not fit for courts or palaces, ly, contended for his country, and myself, should now be but each man was a man: to us they were angels of deliverfound on adverse sides. I then censured, but in far less ance. They guarded us, and fed us upon the game of the degree, the opinion entertained and practised upon, that wilderness. Sir, in my just estimation, one company of the militia of the United States could not, under the con- them (seventy-five men) were of more real value than as stitution, be compelled to cross the lines of their States, many office hunters of the present day as could stand in or of the United States, in times of war. They read the the Pennsylvania avenue, between this capitol and the constitution to the letter, regardless of its spirit. Con- President's house. gress had decided the question differently; and my opi- These scenes are past: and now, shall I throw censure nion was, that all should submit to that decision, until the upon the old States for want of a proper regard to the incommon enemy was expelled from our borders. My then terest of the West? I cannot do it so far as Kentucky is and now constituents concurred with me in opinion. When concerned. The greatest sufferings there were from the called on by their country, they hastened to obey; they first of the year 1780, until the fall of 1782. During all never stopped to inquire or study geographical divisions that period, the old States were contending for their own or lines; their only inquiry was, where are the enemies of safety; and although Cornwallis surrendered in October, the country? They went in search of them, and the only 1781, it was not until after the battle of the Blue Licks, charge ever made against them was, that they went too which took place in August, 1782, that such assurances of far, and overdid their duty. This charge, and those who peace between Great Britain and the United States were made it, their aiders and abettors, are hastening to obli- entertained, as would justify sending a force to the Westvion. Shall I, on account of this difference of opinion, ern country. It was not until the 30th of November, 1782, reproach and censure Massachusetts, or call in question that the preliminaries for a peace were signed; and from the patriotism of her citizens? No, sir; Boston was the that period such was the rapid increase of the Kentucky cradle of American liberty. There is the ground over population that the war was soon transferred to the ene which Samuel Adams and John Hancock moved, when my's country. The citizens of Tennessee suffered to a they called the sons of liberty to arms. To me, it is holy much later period. There the insufficiency of the protecground. I will not profane it. The atmosphere which tion afforded by Congress was felt, after the war with Great such men breathed, must be favorable to independence, Britain had ended: and it was not until Whitley (the same MARCH 1, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. brave man who fell at the battle of the Thames) took his tough and sound-ay, as good old seasoned hickory! Kentucky volunteers, and united them with men of the With him the West is contented and happy; and let it same description raised in Tennessee, and marched them, bring joy or grief to whom it may, no doubt need be enwithout any authority from the Government, against the tertained that next November two years, as an evidence Cherokees at the Nickajack towns, and conquered them, of her attachment, she will, in presence of the good peothat any security was afforded to the citizens of Tennessee. ple of this country, again pass through the ceremony usuThe present Chief Magistrate has been charged with in-al in such cases; nor should I be disappointed, if the State consistency in this, that he has appointed members of Con- of Maine were found aiding and assisting at the celebragress to offices after he had written a letter to the Tennessee tion; and the gentleman himself would unite, I am sure, Legislature, recommending a change in the constitution, were it not for his unconquerable attachment to political so as to exclude them. Surely gentlemen ought to per- consistency. mit him to administer the Government upon the constitu- The Senate will excuse me for saying a few words in retion as it is, not as he might wish it to be. His recommen-lation to the partnership made up by the Boston parson, durdation has not been acceded to; a majority of the people have differed from him in opinion, and it has become his duty to acquiesce in their decision. ing the last war, and now added to by the gentleman from Maine, which makes it to consist of James Madison, Felix Grundy, His Satannic Majesty, and John Holmes. A few words with the gentleman from Maine, [Mr. [Here Mr. HOLMES rose, and remarked that he had HOLMES] and I have done. He tells us he is always in a only said that, had the parson thought of him, he would minority, and prefers to be so. This is matter of taste al-have added his name at the end of the firm.] together. It is certainly the duty of a majority to carry on the Government, and do all the good for the country it can; and the understanding of that gentleman seems to be that the minority may and will annoy, vex, and harass the majority, by the use of all the means in their power. Now, if the disposition of any individual inclines him to mischief and evil, rather than good, I shall not quarrel with him for indulging his taste. The same gentleman has told us, that a gallant gentleman of the South, and a gay deceiver from the banks of the Hudson, are wooing and courting the West; and in time, a gentleman from New England may pay his addresses likewise. Mr. GRUNDY proceeded. We will supply the ellipsis of the parson, and make him say what the gentleman supposes he would have said. I never speak irreverently of parsons, unless my duty compels me to do so; and, therefore, as to him, I will only remark, that I think his zeal was misdirected; but to the gentleman from Maine I have something more to say. I was honored too much when my name was inserted in the title of the firm. I never had, nor have I now, capital or capacity for business sufficient to entitle me to such distinction; and, therefore, in the new arrangement about to be made, my name will not be inserted, either in the title of the firm or upon the sign I have often felt, painfully felt, my inferiority to those board. Mr. Madison has become old and rich, for an honwith whom I was contending. I seldom say any thing est and well earned fame is a politician's wealth; he has reabout it. The public will always discover it soon enough tired from business, and Andrew Jackson has taken his for my benefit. In a case, however, so striking as the pre-place; and business will, hereafter, be conducted under sent, I will at once openly and frankly admit my inferiority. the name and style of Andrew Jackson and company. of It has been a long time since I have practised, or even this firm I will be an humble and unnamed partner. The thought of courtships. I never did excel. I never had gentleman from Maine will not assist in conducting the at command those bewitching smiles, graceful attitudes, business of this firm, and the third person named has a and enchanting words, which so much characterize and violent antipathy to it. Therefore, the best thing that can distinguish some gentlemen of my acquaintance; and be done is, to dissolve the partnership, and let the two how fortunate should I be, could I now borrow from that characters last named establish a new firm, under the name gentleman such aid as he could easily furnish, and have a and style of [Meaning the Devil and John Holmes.] great abundance left, while I discourse with him upon the In making this division, great reliance is placed in the masubject which he has presented to our view. I will, how-ny excellent qualities and superlative virtues of the gen ever, without his assistance, endeavor to state how this tleman from Maine, which will enable him to keep the matter has been, now is, and is to be hereafter. Some senior member of his firm in order, should he prove refracfive or six years since, a gentleman of New England did tory. To this dissolution of the old firm, and the estapay his addresses to the West, and such were his impor-blishment of the two new ones, I call these Senators to tunities, and those of his friends, that they did extort from bear testimony. her a hesitating, dubious, and reluctant assent. She was I wish to address the Senate seriously, upon another not satisfied herself; and when the old people talked to subject introduced into this discussion. I pretend not to her, and she had reflected fully upon the subject, she de-prescribe rules to others: cach Senator must judge of his termined against the proposed union of the East and own course for himself. I speak not in censure of the abWest; and in pursuance of the advice of her best friends, sent--of the late President of the United States and of his she married an individual, of whom I will give some ac- Secretary of State. I have spoken no evil, nor will I do count to the gentleman from Maine. He was born in South so. If that is to be done, let those do it who have conCarolina, in what is called the Waxhaw Settlement, a tended with, and conquered them. Their's be the honors place remarkable for the production of great men, both of the triumph, and all the spoils. I claim no share of of body and mind; there is an instance of it [pointing to either. I only ask my political friends to be permitted to Mr. BLAIR] in the Representative of that district. He aid them in diffusing and circulating, throughout the counstudied law in North Carolina, and at an early period re- try, the beneficial effects of their achievement. This bemoved to the West, and there learned the rudiments of ing the course I intend to pursue, gentlemen will excuse war, under General James Robertson, the founder of Nash-me for not feeling the influence of the remarks they have ville, and father of West Tennessee. He distinguished made concerning the present Secretary of State. Although himself at the bar as an advocate, and at an early period I am willing to hear others, and indulge myself in much was called to the supreme bench of the State, where he freedom of remark, when the conduct of a public officer held the scales of justice between contending parties, is fairly before the Senate, I am unwilling to hear their with an even and steady hand. He was remarkable for his detestation of all fraud, and treated villany of every sort with severity. True, he is a little old, but he is as •Mr. Blair is a gentleman of fine talents, and in size upwards of three hundred weight. names introduced and harshly treated, when there is no connexion between them and the subject under discussion. When I recollect that this individual has been a Senator in the Legislature of his own State; the Attorney General of the great State of New York; twice elected a Senator of |