SENATE.] "What constitutes a State? Not high raised battlement, nor labored mound, Mr. Foot's Resolution. Not cities fair, with spires and turrets crowned; Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride! Where low-bowed baseness wafts perfume to pride! Men who their duties know; But know their rights, and knowing dare maintain, And crush the tyrant when they burst the chain- [MARCH 15, 1830. ligation of the treaty? Is an extent of territorial limit all ally injured. If our titles had been confirmed; if the that is required? In contracting to create a State, you lands had been surveyed and disposed of at low prices to promised to promote its population. In stipulating that actual settlers; if large allowances had been made out of it should become one of a confederacy of free republics, them for public education and other useful institutions; you promised the means of making that population wor- if, while the lands remained unsold, the Government had thy of the name, and capable of exercising the duties of subjected itself to the duties required of other land holdfreemen; you promised them the means of moral, reli-ers, it is no extravagant calculation to say that the State gious, and scientific education; you promised such a dis- would have, at this day, contained a million of inhabiposition of the lands as would fill the space assigned to tants, producing from the soil an excess above their own the new member of the Union with independent freehold-consumption of forty millions of dollars, and, if there be ers, the product of whose labors, after supporting them- any truth in the calculations of political economy, paying selves in comfort, would contribute to the necessary ex-annually, by the duties on their consumption, according penses of the local Government, and increase, by their to the present rates, more than ten times as much as the consumption, the revenues of yours. Unless you did this, aggregate sales of all your lands have produced in any you did nothing. Your assignment of boundaries, your one year. statutory provisions, would have been a mockery, if we As I said, sir, I confine my remarks to my own State, had not, by almost miraculous exertions, broke the shac- and I consider the policy pursued with respect to the kles imposed on our progress, and supplied by the en- lands it contains, as unjust, narrow, unwise, and in the ergy of our scanty population, the want of numbers which highest degree injurious to the Union. If, twenty years your laws denied us. You forgot that population, as well ago, the land had been parcelled out to actual settlers, as soil, was necessary. You forgot the lesson taught by a according to the policy pursued by the French and SpaGreek, and elegantly paraphrased by a British poet— nish possessors of the province, without exacting any consideration, I have not the slightest doubt, that, in a mere pecuniary point of view, it would have been the wisest measure; and that, through your custom house, you would, as long as you chose to continue your duties, receive more dollars and cents twenty fold, than you will annually receive in the comparatively few years that your lands in the State will be on sale. It is because I think it not too late to change this policy that I have seized this occasion to expose it. Confirm all our just titles, submit those of which you doubt to the Judiciary, endow all our public institutions liberally: Remember that you deprive These your policy would have refused; but these Hea-us of laying taxes for this purpose by condemning to steven had provided, by inspiring the little band which our rility six-sevenths of the land in the State. Supply this sparse population could afford, and their few associates, defect, rescue your own lands, and those of our citizens with the energy, patriotism, and self-devotion, which the which adjoin your's, from the destructive effects of inundamoment of danger required. Think you, sir, that, if my tion, and connect us by canals and roads with the rest of constituents, instead of the noble-minded men who flew the Union. Give, if you cannot s, your lands to setto the standard of the country the moment its soil was in-tlers who will become consumers, and add to your revevaded; who heroically and successfully contended against nue; who will be hardy and independent, and add to odds in discipline and numbers, and braved dangers, be your strength; and who will form an iron frontier on your fore which even high courage might quail; who can Southern and Western boundary, that will set invasion at boast of having gained the honor of that resolution on your defiance. statute book, which records, in terms to which they and In asserting the rights of my constituents, I address their posterity may look with pride, that "the brave Lou- my just complaints to the Representatives of the people isianians are entitled to the thanks, and deserve well of and the States. I trace our injuries to no section of counthe whole people, of the United States"--an honor to try, to no party, to no particular men. I can make proper which, as yet, no other State has attained; if, instead of allowance for opinions that may have actuated all who the enlightened people who gave the first example to advocated the different measures of which we their sister States, of providing a written code of laws, plain, without imputing them to a marked and improper and will be the last to give them an example of dishonor, hostility. Constitutional objections were entertained to or want of attachment to the Union; if, instead of our admission-they are removed. Doubts existed of these, they had been the degraded vassals of arbitrary our attachment to the Union, of our courage to defend it; power, hugging, rather than bursting their chains, inca- they have been triumphantly destroyed. Our ability for pable of appreciating the advantages of liberty and self-self government was made a question, but our legislation government, such as their calumniators in and out of Con- has long since solved it. Now, therefore, we look for gress represented them to be: I ask, sir, whether all the justice, and I trust, sir, that we shall not look in vain. laws you could have passed would have enabled them to Having finished what I thought myself obliged to say assume their place in the Union, unless those laws, by on the policy pursued with respect to the State, I have rendering the acquisition of lands easy, should have sup-tried to find some chain by which this subject might be plied us with a race of independent, well-informed culti-connected with another, to which frequent allusions have vators of the soil, the bone and sinew of every State? been made-the existence of present, and the history of You have left us, for this, to our own resources: you past, parties in our Legislature. This I have found it dif have done worse; by denying the power of trying our ficult to do, unless from the consideration that, in popular titles, you have deprived us of those to which we are le- governments, party connects itself with every thing: gally entitled, independently of your laws; and you have nothing too high, or too low, too grave or too trivial-from for twenty-five years forced the proprietors of grants to a construction of the constitution to the merits of an accontribute to the support of the State Government, ac- tor; from the election of a President to that of a constacording to the value of their lands, while you, by un-ble. It is not surprising, therefore, that party views may founded claims, prevent them making any use of them. at times have mixed themselves with the measures purIn these, as in the case with most unjust measures, the sued by the General Government towards the Western interest of those who adopt them has been most materi-States. But I cannot willingly bring myself to believe com MARCH 15, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. that there is a party permanently, and on principle, hos- and that no construction or direct change should be pertile to the prosperity of those States. Allusions have been mitted that would lessen the power or influence of the made to those which formerly divided us, and which are State Governments. These last description of federalstill, under other names, supposed to exist. It may be ists were naturally joined by the individuals who had useful to examine their nature, and refer to their history. formed the extinct party of anti-federalists; and, together, It is quite obvious, that parties must exist in all popular under the name of the republican party, they watched governments, and not less so, that they are, when not the movements, and opposed the suspicious measures, of carried to excess, useful, and even necessary; but we those whom I have first designated, and who retained the inust carefully observe their different kinds. The first name of federalists. and most important is, that which divides the supporters The first and most dangerous principle, not always of general tenets on the construction of the powers of avowed by the federal party, but generally acted upon, Government, or of any of its branches, from the opposers was this: that, under the construction of the words in of those tenets. These being, from their nature, perma- the preamble, declaring that the intent of the constitunent, and occuring in almost every operation of the Go- tion was to promote the general welfare, and the use of vernment, form, until their doctrines are fully established, the same phrase in the clause giving the power to lay or finally given up, a marked line of tlivision between all taxes, a right to do any thing which promoted the genewho take any part in public affairs. There can be in the ral welfare of the United States, unless expressly inhibitnature of things no neutrals; every man who has any ed, was included. The direct operation of this interpreopinion, or even acts on those of others, must be united tation in consolidating the General Government, and anwith one or the other of these parties; and when they nihilating the power of the States, was evident, and the are thus arrayed, great sacrifices of individual opinion avowal of it alarming. Besides this, there were many must be made in matters of minor importance, in order incidents which, to minds already excited by more imto secure strength in those which regard the great ques-portant opinions and events, created suspicions of a design tion. Hence we find, that, whenever the country is divid- to change the forms, as well as the substance, of the new ded by a permanent party of this kind, it brings within Government; and which, although by one party consiits vortex every measure of Government, and that useful dered "trifles light as air," were by the other thought to laws are opposed by the one party, and injurious mea- be "confirmation strong as proofs from holy writ." sures favored by the other, from the effect that the one or President having opened the session by a speech to both the other will have in gaining proselytes, or preserving Houses, as was then, and for twelve years continued to be, the mode, one of the first subjects of deliberation in When this great party division ceases to exist, it is the Senate was the style by which he should be addressed generally replaced by such as are formed for the elevation in their answer. A committee was appointed to conor depression of particular men, or the support or op-sider this subject, and they reported that the President position to particular measures. These last having no should be styled, His Highness. The democratic branch, permanent principle to rest upon, continually change however, insisted on calling him simply what the people with the men, and the operations which they purport to had made him--the President of the United States; and favor or oppose. A vigilant opposition is, in both of these the Senate, yielding to the necessity of the moment, came descriptions of party, extremely useful; in the one, to pre- to the following resolution: serve the organization of Government inviolate; in the other, to secure integrity in its operations. friends. The "In Senate of the United States, May 14, 1789. "The committee, appointed the 9th instant, to consider and report under what title it will be proper for the Senate to address the President of the United States of America,' reported, that, in the opinion of the committee, it will be proper thus to address the President: His Highness the President of the United States of America and Protector of their Liberties. "Which report was postponed, and the following resolve was agreed to, to wit: The establishment of our present happy constitution, (happy unless corrupted by false constructions or torn by mad and ruinous resistance) was preceded by the contest of two parties, whose names (no common occur. rence) designated their principles and the object for which they respectively contended, It was general, and founded on principle; the one contending for a radical change in the confederation of the States-these were designated as federalists; the other, opposed to this "From a decent respect for the opinion and practice of change, who were styled anti-federalists. When the civilized nations, whether under monarchical or republiStates had agreed to the constitution, this party became can forms of government, whose custom is to annex titles extinct; the object on the one side having been com- of respectability to the office of their Chief Magistrates; pletely established, and the opposition on the other gene-and that, on intercourse with foreign nations, a due rerally abandoned. Coeval with the operations of the new spect for the majesty of the people of the United States Government, arose a new party of the same general per- may not be hazarded by an appearance of singularity, the manent kind, because it was founded on a contrariety of Senate have been induced to be of opinion, that it would opinion on the powers of the new Government. Among be proper to annex a respectable title to the office of the those who had most zealously promoted its adoption, were President of the United States; but the Senate, desirous men of high talents, who strove in its formation to give it of preserving harmony with the House of Representaa character of greater energy, and increase its power at the expense of those of the States. Being obliged to yield many of their ideas to those of others, who thought it too energetic as it was, they compromised with their opponents, and agreed to the constitution as it is, or, rather, as "Resolved, That the present address be To the Presi it was before the amendments. It was natural that men dent of the United States,' without addition of title. entertaining those ideas should put every construction on "A motion was made to strike out the preamble as far the words of the compact that would bring it nearer to as the words 'but the Senate,' which passed in the nega what they thought the point of perfection. Men of tive; and, on motion for the main question, it passed in equal eminence and abilities had co-operated as indefati- the affirmative." tives, where the practice lately observed in presenting an address to the President was without the addition of titles, think it proper, for the present, to act in conformity with the practice of that House. Therefore, gably in procuring the adoption, but from a conviction By which you will perceive that, as the resolution has that the powers given to the Federal Government, strictly never been further acted upon, we may, to-morrow, conconstrued, were sufficient for all national purposes; that firm the report of the committee, and decorate our Presiany extention of them would be injurious, if not ruinous; dent with the princely title of Highness, and the ominous SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [MARCH 15, 1830. appellation of Protector. One other incident which I re- mantle of his patriotism, talents, and virtues, has fallen on member took place in the gay world of which my youth his son and successor in this body. then made me a denizen. The citizens of New York, I have given you, sir, so much of the history and state among other marks of hospitality, and desire to show a of parties as was necessary for the understanding of the proper attention to the Great Man, who had just reluc- refutation I must make of a charge brought against me, tantly given up his retirement at the unanimous voice of and those with whom it was my happiness to associate, his fellow-citizens, gave a grand inauguration ball; on the and will always be my pride to have acted, in those times. ceremonial of which it was said one, at least, of those who I repeat the charge verbatim, from the printed speech of afterwards composed his cabinet, was consulted. But the Senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. WEBSTER.] Speakthough he came from the Eastward, I do not mean to saying of the merits of New England, which I, at least, never that this was an Eastern measure. In a conspicuous part attempted to lessen, he says, he will not rake into the of the large ball room was erected a superb canopy, and rubbish of by-gone times to blot the escutcheon of any under the canopy was placed what the ill-natured demo- State, any party, or any part of the country," yet, sir, in crats called a throne. [Whether it was or not, never having the same page, he endeavors to fix a blot of the blackest had the honor to see one, I cannot tell.] Napoleon said, a ingratitude on a party, on men (I do not speak, sir, of throne is a block of wood covered with velvet. This was myself) who have rendered most important services to a small sofa or large chair, covered with some costly ma- the country; to one of whom it has given the highest mark terial, and on it they induced the President to sit; and when of its confidence and esteem, and all of whom were, in the music sounded for the dance, every couple, before the transaction alluded to, much more sinned against than they took their station in the long column of the country sinning. The honorable gentleman goes on to say: "Gendances, then in fashion, were directed to go up and make eral Washington's administration was steadily and zeaa low obeisance, to the great annoyance of the President, lously maintained, as we all know, by New England. It who is said, when he quitted the seat, (in which he had was violently opposed elsewhere. We know in what thus reluctantly and by surprise been placed) thus to have quarter he had most earnest, constant, and persevering addressed the contrivers of the ceremonial, with some support, in all his great and leading measures. We know warmth: "You have made a fool of me once, but I will where his private and personal character was held in the take care you never do it again." Such fooleries, sir, are highest degree of attachment and veneration; and we hardly worth relating, but they are characteristic of the know too where his measures were opposed, his services views of parties; at least they were thought so then. Ha slighted, and his character vilified. We know, or we nuga, said the democrats, (or such of them as understood might know, if we turn to the Journals, who expressed Latin) seria ducent; and many of the more apprehensive respect, gratitude, and regret, when he retired from the thought they saw royalty typified in these signs of the times. Chief Mag sitracy; and who refused to express respect, These imaginary fears soon gave way; but others of great- gratitude, or regret: I shall not open these Journals." er reality succeeded them. Circumstances of historical Sir, the honorable gentleman would have done well to notoriety influenced the minds of both parties with fo- open the Journals, or not to have referred to them. If he reign predilections and animosities; and the federal party, had opened them, he would have found the name of the which had constantly been predominant in Congress, seal- individual who addresses you arrayed with those of men ed their construction of the powers of the General Go- more worthy of note, in the vote to which he alludes. If vernment by the passage of the alien law and the sedition he had opened the debates which led to that vote, as I law. Nothing could exceed the indignation which these think he ought to have done, he would have seen how practical applications of the federal doctrine excited in utterly void of foundation is the charge he has brought. the minds of their opponents. An attack on the liberty I do not think the gentleman intended any personal alluof the press, not only unauthorized but forbidden by the sion to me--the terms of civility on which we are, forbid constitution by the one act, the arbitrary power vested in it--the consciousness of having said nothing to provoke the President by the other, opened the eyes of the people the attack forbids it--but, sir, the individual who cannot to the principles of the party by which they were passed, arrogate to himself sufficient importance to justify the and, at the very next election, they were deprived of a supposition that he was the object intended, was, at that power they had so grossly abused. Having mentioned the time, the Representative, the sole Representative, of the alien law, let me stop to perform an act of justice to de- first commercial city in the Union. That individual is ceased worth. In the first stages of that bill, for it was now one of the members of this body, representing a sohurried through the House, I was absent from the seat vereign State. He owes it, therefore, to those who have with which I was then honored in the House of Represen- offered him these marks of their confidence, to show that tatives. I returned on the day set for its third reading. they were not unworthily bestowed; he owes it to himBefore I went to the House, I met with a Senator from self to disprove the reflection which the allegation casts Virginia, who, notwithstanding the disparity of our years, on his character. Suffer me, also, [said Mr. L.] to rehonored me with his friendship, sometimes instructed mark, that this very charge was used during the late elecme by his advice, and always stimulated me by his ex- tion; and that the refutation I am about to give was so ample. The conversation naturally turned on the mea- widely diffused that it is somewhat singular it should never sure depending before the House; and he detailed to have come to the Senator's knowledge, or that be should me its provisions, spoke with his usual animation of its have forgotten it if it had. Yet one or the other must unconstitutional features, and inspired me with his own have been the case, or he would not now have repeated indignation against its attack on the liberty of the nation. the tale, nor, by incorporating it in his eloquent harangue, Warmed with this conversation, I went to the House and have given new currency to a refuted caluinny which had made a speech in opposition to the bill, which was at the long before been nailed to the counter. Since the honortime spoken of with applause, and sometimes attracts at-able gentleman believes the story to be true, and surely tention even now, but whatever of merit it had, was ow- he would not otherwise repeat it, hundreds of others ing to the circumstances I have related; and I might have must give it the like credit; and it increases the obligation addressed him who urged me to declare my sentiments on I am under to explain all the circumstances attending it. the occasion, in the words of the poet to his muse- * "Quod spiro et placco (si placeo) tuum est." The country has since been deprived of the services of that Senator, but she has the consolation to know that the The late Mr. Tazewell, I have shown, sir, what were the doctrines and measures of the federal party at that time. During the whole of the Presidency of Washington they were predominant in both Houses; and as Washington was the head of the Government, one of their greatest objects was, to cover all MARCH 15, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE their proceedings with the popularity of his name; to re- tion of General Washington, and the discussions on the present all opposition to their measures, as personal hos- treaty in the first session of the fourth Congress, the setility to him; and to force the republican party either to venth year of his Presidency. In his speech on the openapprove all their measures, or, by opposing them, to incuring of the second session of the same Congress, (I repeat, the odium of being unfriendly to the Father of his Coun- sir, what I formerly wrote on this occasion) he alluded in try. In this they were for the most part defeated. The affecting terms to his approaching retirement from office. universal confidence reposed in the high character of I can solemnly say, for myself, that, on this occasion, so far Washington, the gratitude felt for his services, the vene- from any ill feeling towards the President, none among ration for his name, had practically produced the effect, those who arrogated to themselves the title of his excluin our Government, which a constitutional maxim has in sive friends, could feel more sincerely, or were more disthat of England. He could not, it was believed, do wrong posed to express, every sentiment of gratitude for his sermost certainly he never meant wrong--most certainly his vices, admiration for his character, or wishes for his hapardent wishes were for the happiness of the country he piness, than I was. These were ideas that had grown up had conducted through so many perils, and the preserva- with me from childhood. I had never heard the name of tion of that form of Government which had been adopted Washington pronounced but with veneration by those near under his auspices--yet measures were adopted, during relatives who were engaged with him in the same perilous his Presidency, which a very large proportion of the coun- struggle. Independence, liberty, and victory, were assotry thought injurious to their interests, and, on one occa- ciated with it in my mind; and the awful admiration which sion, a majority of their Representatives deemed them to I felt, when, yet a boy, I was first admitted to his presence, be an infringement on their privileges. None of these yielded only to the more rational sentiments of gratitude were ascribed to the President: a practice which he in- and national pride, when, at a maturer age, I could appretroduced, enabled us to ascribe to his administration (to ciate his services, and estimate the honor his virtues and which in truth they belonged) all the measures of which character had conferred on the nation. I had seen him in we disapproved. The practice alluded to, was that of as- the hour of peril, when the contest was doubtful, and sembling the Heads of Department in a cabinet council, when his life and reputation, as well as the liberties of the and being guided, as was generally understood, by the country, depended on the issue. I had seen him in the opinion of a majority in all important concerns. Hence moment of triumph, when the surrender of a hostile army the official acts of the President came to be considered as had secured that independence. My admiration followed those of his cabinet, and were, in common parlance, call him in his first retreat, and was not lessened by his quited the acts of the administration; and they were opposed, ting it to give the aid of his name and influence to the when it was deemed necessary, and canvassed, and freely union of the States under an efficient Government. In adspoken of in debate, without any hostility being felt, dition to this, he had received me with kindness in my o supposed to be felt, towards the President. Indeed, youthful visits to his camp; and, without having it in my several of those most prominent in opposition to the acts power to boast of any particular intimacy, circumstances of the administration, were men for whom Washing- had thrown me frequently in the way of receiving from him ton had the highest esteem, and who were among those such attentions as indicated some degree of regard. With who most admired and revered him. these motives for joining in the most energetic expressions of gratitude, with a heart filled with sentiments of veneration, and desirous of recording them, my concern can scarcely be expressed, when I found that I must be debarred from joining my voice with those of my fellow-citizens in expressing those feelings, unless, in the same breath, I should pronounce a recantation of principles which I then thought, and still think, were well founded, and declare that I approved measures which I had just solemnly declared I thought injurious to the country. Of the acts to which the republican party were opposed, it may be necessary to specify some, in order to show that the opposition was not a frivolous or a personal one. The Chief Justice of the United States was sent as a minister plenipotentiary to England, while he held his judicial office, which he retained until after his return. Thus, in our opinion, blending the Executive and the Judicial Departments, directed by the constitution to be separated, and setting an example which might create an undue influence on the bench, in favor of the Executive. Thus, Sir, it was contrived: At that period, the PreThis minister negotiated a treaty, which contained stipu- sident opened the session by a speech, (the more convelations requiring the agency of the House of Representa- nient mode of sending a message having been introduced tives, in the exercise of their constitutional powers over five years afterwards by Mr. Jefferson) and the House the subject of them, to carry into effect. To enable them made an answer, which they presented in a body. The discreetly to exercise these powers, the House respect- answer on this occasion was most artfully and most ably fully requested the communication of such papers, in re-drawn. It was the work of a federal committee, and was lation to the treaty, as could, without injury to our foreign supported by a federal majority. It contained, as it ought relations, be made public. This request the President to have contained, every expression that gratitude, venewas advised to refuse; and the refusal was grounded on ration, and affectionate regret, could suggest; and to the a denial of the constitutional right of the House to exer-adoption of these there would not have been a dissenting cise any discretion in carrying the treaty into effect. On voice; it would have been carried, not only unanimously, this refusal the House of Representatives passed a resolu- but by acclamation. But the dominant party had other tion declaratory of the right which the President had de-views; it was to be made the instrument of degrading nied. I will not trouble the Senate with adverting to any their opponents, if they could vote for it, or of holding other measures which I, and those who acted with me, op- them up to all posterity as opposers of the Savior of his posed. We opposed them, sir, without, in any instance, country if they refused to pronounce their own condemforgetting the sentiments of respect, gratitude, and high nation. They preferred a paltry party triumph to the admiration, which were due to the name and character of glory of the man they professed to honor, and deprived Washington. We believe that it would have been a dere-him of the expression of an unanimous vote, that they liction of duty to give up the independent expression of might have some pretence to stigmatize their opponents that opinion, because it was contrary to measures falsely with ingratitude. The press, sir, the omnipotent press, ascribed to a name they revered; and conscious of the and the publicity of our debates, have enabled me, even weight of that name, I may, without vanity, say, there at this distant day, to defeat this unworthy end--unworthy was some degree of merit in stemming the tide of popu- of the honorable men who contrived and executed it, and larity that was attached to it. which nothing but the excitement of party could have sugThe mission of Mr. Jay took place after the second elec-gested to them. SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [MARCH 15, 1830. To understand this fully, sir, I should read to you the filled. Say, finally, sir, whether the Senator from Massawhole of the address. Its general character I have stated. chusetts is justified in the allegation, that we refused to exBut I will confine myself to one or two passages, which press respect, gratitude, and regret, on the retirement of show what was endeavored to be forced upon us, and the Washington; or, what is more than insinuated, that we amendment offered will show what we were willing to say, slighted his services and vilified his character. Sir, the and I will then ask who it was that refused a unanimous expression of gratitude, respect, and merit? register I have quoted shows, that I supported my amendment by expressing the very sentiments you have just The debates of that period were very concisely taken heard; and I must add, that, shortly after this transaction, down; but (in Carpenter's Debates, p. 62) we find enough while my votes, speeches, and conduct, were fresh in the for our purpose. It is there stated that Mr. Livingston recollection of my constituents, my term of service expired, expressed his sorrow "that the answer was not so drawn and I was re-elected by an increased majority. Would & as to avoid this debate, and his sincere hope that parties man, entertaining the sentiments towards Washington would so unite as to make it agreeable to all. He moved that have been ascribed to me, have received the votes of some amendments, first, to correct an error in the phrase- a city where his name was adored? Nay, more sir, one of ology, which were adopted; and, in the course of his re- the most conspicuous of those who have incurred the remarks, used these expressions: He hoped, notwithstand-proach of the Senator from Massachusetts, and for whose ing the tenacity of adherence to words, that all might sole use it was perhaps designed--the President of the agree in the address; he would be extremely hurt, [he United States-was not long since elected, by the veteran said] could he conceive that we differed in sentiments of relics of the Revolutionary war, the chosen companions in gratitude and admiration for that great man; but, while he arms of their venerated commander, the New York Sowas desirous to express this, he could not do it at the ex-ciety of Cincinnati, as one of the very few honorary mempense of his feelings and principles. The former he might sacrifice, but the latter he could not, to any man.' I invite the particular attention of the Senate to the passage which I proposed to alter. As it stood in the address, it was in these words: "And while we entertain a grateful conviction that your wise, firm, and patriotic administration has been signally conducive to the success of the present form of Government, we cannot forbear to express the deep sensations of regret with which we contemplate your intended retirement from office." bers on whom that distinction has been bestowed. They have, since that, done me the same honor. Would the venerable remnant of the friends and companions of Washington, associated under his auspices for the purpose of cherishing the friendships contracted during the contest he so gloriously conducted, and watching over his fame, so inseparably connected with their own--would they have conferred this distinction on two men, who had, at any period of their lives, shown themselves his enemies or detractors? Me, sir, they knew from my childhood--my whole life was before them. At the time these votes were given, I was their immediate Representative; many of them were opposed to me in the politics of the day, but they knew my conduct to have been such as I have described, and they did justice to my motives; and most assuredly would not have joined in my unanimous association with their honorable body, had they doubted the purity of either. Now, sir, mark what were the words objected to in this sentence; bear in mind the distinctions that have been drawn between the character of the President, and that of his administration; remember what was the sense in which that word was universally used at that day: recollect, too, what I have just said of the opposition to one of the leading measures of that administration, and you will then be In the course of this defensive part of my address to the enabled to judge whether I, and those with whom I acted, Senate, I have been obliged to refer, with some minutecould give our assent to this passage as it stood. To show, ness, to the state of parties at a remote period. I have however, that, while we could not, with consistency or done so with no desire to renew forgotten animosities, or truth, say, that the measures of the cabinet were wise and impute injurious designs to the living or the dead. The patriotic, but that we were perfectly willing to use these latter consideration has induced me to stop short of the epithets as applied to the President, I moved to strike out scenes which occurred in this place, in the first session that the words "wise, firm, and patriotic administration," and was held here; much of what I know, more of what I insert your wisdom, firmness, and patriotism." The sen- heard, would have this tendency, if detailed. Designs of tence then would have read thus: "While we entertain a the most violent and disorganizing kind were ascribed to grateful conviction, that your wisdom, firmness, and pat- some of the federal party, in a letter bearing the signariotism, have been signally conducive to the success of the ture of one of its distinguished members. This statement present form of Government, we cannot forbear to express was attributed by mistake to another, a no less respectathe deep sensations of regret with which we contemplate ble leading man of the same party, both of them since deyour intended retirement from office." Now, sir, com- ceased. It does not enter into my purpose to determine pare this clause, which we were all ready to vote for, and between them. I had a high respect for both, and an indid vote for, with that which was supported by the majo- timacy with one, which was never interrupted by our dif rity; and say which of them expresses the greatest venera- ference in political tenets; in truth, I had, during the whole tion for the person, and the personal character of Wash course of those violent times, the good fortune to preserve ington--that which ascribes wisdom, firmness, and patriot- the most friendly intercourse with most of my principal ism, to the measures of his cabinet, or that which attaches political opponents. I thought their political principles them to himself. Say, whether we refused to express re- dangerous, and they thought my ideas of Government ingret at his retirement, when that word, accompanied by efficient; but we did justice to the purity of each other's an epithet most expressive of its intensity, is readily adopt- motives, and preserved social harmony amid party discord. ed. Say who were the real friends to the glory of our It is far, therefore, I repeat, from my intention, to renew great leader in war, and director in peace-those who, for heats which are now allayed, by a reference to the olden a paltry party triumph, deprived him of an unanimous ex-times of party; but I referred to them because they were pression of thanks and admiration; who forced him to ap- necessary to my defence. Because, having left the Atlanpear rather as the chief of a party, than in his true charac- tic States soon after the triumph of the republican party ter, of the man uniting all affections, regretted, beloved, in 1800, I thought, on my return to public life, after a revenerated by all his fellow-citizens; or those who intreat- tirement of more than twenty years--I thought I discovered that, on this occasion at least, party considerations ed some of the great dogmas of federalism prevailing in should be laid aside, and that they might be permitted to our public councils; and thinking them always dangerous, join their voice to that of their country, and of the world, I felt it a duty to take this occasion to guard against their in expressing the sentiments with which their hearts were revival. Engaged during my absence in professional pur |