SENATE.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[JAN. 27, 1830.

pressing, once more, my deep conviction, that, since it whom they were appointed, being an order of the day, respects nothing less than the union of the States, it is of was called up, and which is contained in the following remost vital and essential importance to the public happi- solution, viz:

NOTE 2.

ness. I profess, sir, in my career, hitherto, to have kept "Congress having had under consideration the letter of steadily in view the prosperity and honor of the whole John Dickinson, Esq. chairman of the commissioners country, and the preservation of our Federal Union. It who assembled at Annapolis during the last year; also, the is to that Union we owe our safety at home, and our con- proceedings of the said commissioners, and entirely coinsideration and dignity abroad. It is to that Union that we ciding with them, as to the inefficiency of the Federal are chiefly indebted for whatever makes us most proud of Government, and the necessity of devising such further our country. That Union we reached only by the disci- provisions as shall render the same adequate to the exipline of our virtues in the severe school of adversity. It gencies of the Union, do strongly recommend to the had its origin in the necessities of disordered finance, different Legislatures to send forward delegates, to meet prostrate commerce, and ruined credit. Under its be- the proposed convention, on the 'second Monday in May nign influence, these great interests immediately awoke, next, at the city of Philadelphia." as from the dead, and sprang forth with newness of life. Every year of its duration has teemed with fresh proofs of its utility and its blessings; and, although our territory Extracts from Mr. Calhoun's Speech on Mr. Randolph's has stretched out wider and wider, and our population motion to strike out the minimum valuation on cotton spread farther and farther, they have not outrun its pro- goods, in the House of Representatives, April, 1816. tection or its benefits. It has been to us all a copious fountain of national, social, and personal happiness. I "The debate, heretofore, on this subject, has been on have not allowed myself, sir, to look beyond the Union, the degree of protection which ought to be afforded to to see what might lie hidden in the dark recess behind. our cotton and woollen manufactures; all professing to be I have not coolly weighed the chances of preserving friendly to those infant establishments, and to be willing liberty, when the bonds that unite us together shall be to extend to them adequate encouragement. The present broken asunder. I have not accustomed myself to hang motion assumes a new aspect. It is introduced, professedover the precipice of disunion, to see whether, with my ly, on the ground that manufactures ought not to receive short sight, I can fathom the depth of the abyss below; any encouragement; and will, in its operation, leave our nor could I regard him as a safe counsellor, in the affairs cotton establishments exposed to the competition of the of this Government, whose thoughts should be mainly ed on all sides, they are not capable of meeting with succotton goods of the East Indies, which, it is acknowledg bent on considering, not how the Union should be best preserved, but how tolerable might be the condition of cess, without the proviso proposed to be stricken out by the people when it shall be broken up and destroyed.ed this new form, he determined to be silent; participat the motion now under discussion. Till the debate assumWhile the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying prospects spread out before us, for us and our children. ing, as he largely did, in that general anxiety which is Beyond that, I seek not to penetrate the veil. God grant bosom of our families. felt, after so long and laborious a session, to return to the that, in my day, at least, that curtain may not rise. God But on a subject of so much vital grant that, on my vision, never may be opened what lies importance, touching, as it does, the security and permabehind. When my eyes shall be turned to behold, for ent prosperity of our country, he hoped that the House the last time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him shinwould indulge him in a few observations." ing on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once "To give perfection to this state of things, it will be glorious Union; on States dissevered, discordant, belli- necessary to add, as soon as possible, a system of Internal gerent; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it Improvements, and, at least, such an extension of our namay be, in fraternal blood! Let their last feeble and lin-y, as will prevent the cutting off our coasting trade. The gering glance, rather, behold the gorgeous ensign of the advantage of each is so striking as not to require illustrarepublic, now known and honored throughout the earth,tion, especially after the experience of the late war." still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming to maturity, for the introduction of manufactures. "He firmly believed that the country is prepared, even in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, have abundance of resources, and things naturally tend, nor a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatory as, What is all this worth? Nor has poured an immense amount of commercial capital into at this moment, in that direction. A prosperous commerce those other words of delusion and folly, Liberty first, and this country. This capital has, till lately, found occupaUnion afterwards: but every where, spread all over in tion in commerce; but that state of the world which transcharacters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, ferred it to this country, and gave it active employment, as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every has passed away, never to return. wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, find full employment for our prodigious amount of tondear to every true American heart-Liberty and Union, nage? Where markets for the numerous and abundant now and forever, one and inseparable! products of our country? This great body of active_capital, which, for the moment, has found sufficient employment in supplying our markets, exhausted by the war, and measures preceding it, must find a new direction; it WEDNESDAY, February 21, 1787. will not be idle. What channel can it take but that of Congress assembled: Present, as before. manufactures? This, if things continue as they are, will The report of a Grand Committee, consisting of Mr. be its direction. It will introduce an era in our affairs, in Dane, Mr. Varnum, Mr. S. M. Mitchill, Mr. Smith, many respects highly advantageous, and ought to be counMr. Cadwallader, Mr. Irvine, Mr. N. Mitchell, Mr. tenanced by the Government. Besides, we have already Forrest, Mr. Grayson, Mr. Blount, Mr. Bull, and Mr. surmounted the greatest difficulty that has ever been Few, to whom was referred a letter of 14th Septem- found in undertakings of this kind. The cotton and woolber, 1786, from J. Dickinson, written at the request of len manufactures are not to be introduced-they are alreacommissioners from the States of Virginia, Delaware, dy introduced to a great extent; freeing us entirely from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York, assembled at the hazards, and, in a great measure, the sacrifices, expethe city of Annapolis, together with a copy of a report of rienced in giving the capital of the courtry a new direc said commissioners to the Legislatures of the States by tion. The restrictive measures, and the war, though not

Notes By Mr. Webster.

NOTE 1.

We

Where shall we now

JAN. 27, 1830.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[SENATE.

intended for that purpose, have, by the necessary opera-general principles, without regard to their interest, a certion of things, turned a large amount of capital to this tain encouragement should be extended, at least to our new branch of industry. He had often heard it said, both woollen and cotton manufactures."

66

in and out of Congress, that this effect alone would indem- "This nation [Mr. C. said] was rapidly changing the nify the country for all its losses. So high was this tone of character of its industry. When a nation is agricultural, feeling, when the want of these establishments was prac-depending for supply on foreign markets, its people may tically felt, that he remembered, during the war, when be taxed through its imports almost to the amount of its some question was agitated respecting the introduction of capacity. The nation was, however, rapidly becoming, foreign goods, that many then opposed it on the grounds to a considerable extent, a manufacturing nation." of injuring our manufactures. He then said, that war To the quotations from the speeches and proceedings alone furnished sufficient stimulus, and perhaps too much, of the Representatives of South Carolina, in Congress, as it would make their growth unnaturally rapid; but that, during Mr. Monroe's administration, may be added the on the return of peace, it would then be time to show our following extract from Mr. Calhoun's report on roads and affection for them. He, at that time, did not expect an canals, submitted to Congress on 7th January, 1819, from apathy and aversion to the extent which is now seen. But the Department of War: it will, no doubt, be said, if they are so far established, A judicious system of roads and canals, constructed and if the situation of the country is so favorable to their for the convenience of commerce, and the transportation growth, where is the necessity of affording them protec- of the mail only, without any reference to military operation? It is to put them beyond the reach of contingency." tions, is itself among the most efficient means for the "It has been further asserted, that manufactures are the more complete defence of the United States.' Without fruitful cause of pauperism; and England has been referred adverting to the fact that the roads and canals which such to, as furnishing conclusive evidence of its truth. For a system would require, are, with few exceptions, precisehis part, he could perceive no such tendency in them, ly those which would be required for the operations of but the exact contrary, as they furnished new stimulus war; such a system, by consolidating our Union, increasand means of subsistence to the laboring classes of the ing our wealth and fiscal capacity, would add greatly to community. We ought not to look at the cotton and wool- our resources in war. It is in a state of war, when a nation len establishments of Great Britain for the prodigious is compelled to put all its resources, in men, money, skill, numbers of poor with which her population was disgrac- and devotion to country, into requisition, that its Governed; causes much more efficient exist. Her poor laws, and ment realizes, in its security, the beneficial effects from a statutes regulating the prices of labor, with taxes, were people made prosperous and happy by a wise direction of the real causes. But, if it must be so, if the mere fact that its resources in peace.

England manufactured more than any other country, ex- "Should Congress think proper to commence a system plained the cause of her having more beggars, it is of roads and canals for the more complete defence of the just as reasonable to refer her courage, spirit, and all her United States,' the disbursements of the sum appropri masculine virtues, in which she excels all other nations, ated for the purpose might be made by the Department of with a single exception--he meant our own--in which we War, under the direction of the President. Where inmight, without vanity, challenge a pre-eminence. Ano- corporate companies are already formed, or the road or cather objection had been, which he must acknowledge was nal commenced, under the superintendence of a State, it better founded, that capital employed in manufacturing perhaps would be advisable to direct a subscription on the produced a greater dependence on the part of the em- part of the United States, on such terms and conditions as ployed, than in commerce, navigation, or agriculture. It might be thought proper." is certainly an evil, and to be regretted; but he did not think it a decisive objection to the system; especially when

NOTE 3.

VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.

it had incidental political advantages which, in his opinion, bear so pertinently and so strongly on this point of the deThe following resolutions of the Legislature of Virginia more than counterpoised it. It produced an interest strict-bate, that they are thought worthy of being inserted in a ly American, as much so as agriculture, in which it had note, especially as other resolutions of the same body are the decided advantage of commerce or navigation. The referred to in the discussion. It will be observed that these country will, from this, derive much advantage. Again: resolutions were unanimously adopted in each House. it is calculated to bind together more closely our widely spread republic. It will greatly increase our mutual dependence and intercourse; and will, as a necessary con- Extract from the Message of Governor Tyler, of Virginia, sequence, excite an increased attention to Internal Improvements a subject every way so intimately connected with the ultimate attainment of national strength, and the perfection of our political institutions." Extracts from the Speech of Mr. Calhoun, April, 1816, on the Direct Tax.

December 4, 1809.

"A proposition from the State of Pennsylvania is herewith submitted, with Governor Snyder's letter accompanying the same, in which is suggested the propriety of amending the constitution of the United States, so as to prevent collisions between the Government of the Union, and the State Governments."

"In regard to the question how far manufactures ought to be fostered, [Mr. C. said] it was the duty of this counHOUSE OF DELEGATES, FRIDAY, December 15, 1809. try, as a means of defence, to encourage the domestic inOn motion, Ordered, That so much of the Governor's dustry of the country, more especially that part of it communication as relates to the communication from the which provides the necessary materials for clothing and Governor of Pennsylvania, on the subject of an amenddefence. Let us look to the nature of the war most likely ment proposed by the Legislature of that State to the to occur. England is in possession of the ocean. No man, constitution of the United States, be referred to Messrs. however sanguine, can believe that we can deprive her, Peyton, Otey, Cabell, Walker, Madison, Holt, Newton, soon, of her predominance there. That control deprives Parker, Stevenson, Randolph, (of Amelia) Cocke, Wyus of the means of maintaining our army and navy cheap-att, and Ritchie.-Page 25 of the Journal. ly clad. The question relating to manufactures must not depend on the abstract principle that industry, left to THURSDAY, January 11, 1810. pursue its own course, will find in its own interest all the Mr. Peyton, from the Committee to whom was referred encouragement that is necessary. I lay the claims of the that part of the Governor's communication which relates manufacturers entirely out of view, [said Mr. C.] but, on to the amendment proposed by the State of Pennyslvania

VOL. VI.-11

to the constitution of the United States, made the follow-| ing report:

[JAN. 27, 1830.

TUESDAY, January 23, 1810.

And the question being put on agreeing to the said preamble and resolutions, they were agreed to by the House unanimously.

Ordered, That the Clerk carry the said preamble and resolutions to the Senate, and desire their concurrence.

The House, according to the order of the day, resolved The Committee to whom was referred the communica- itself into a Committee of the Whole House on the State tion of the Governor of Pennsylvania, covering certain of the Commonwealth, and, after some time spent therein, resolutions of the Legislature of that State proposing an Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Stanard, of amendment of the constitution of the United States, by Spottsylvania, reported that the Committee had, accordthe appointment of an impartial tribunal to decide dis- ing to order, had under consideration the preamble and putes between the State and Federal Judiciary, have had resolutions of the Select Committee, to whom was referred the same under their consideration, and are of opinion that part of the Governor's communication which lates that a tribunal is already provided by the constitution of to the amendment proposed to the constitution of the the United States, to wit. the Supreme Court, more emi- United States by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, had nently qualified, from their habits and duties, from the gone through with the same, and directed him to report mode of their selection, and from the tenure of their offi- them to the House without amendinent; which he handed ces, to decide the disputes aforesaid, in an enlightened and in at the Clerk's table. impartial manner, than any other tribunal which could be created. The members of the Supreme Court are selected from those in the U. States who are most celebrated for virtue and legal learning, not at the will of a single individual, but by the concurrent wishes of the President and Senate of the United States: they will, therefore, have no IN SENATE, WEDNESDAY, January 24, 1810. local prejudices and partialities. The duties they have to perform lead them, necessarily, to the most enlarged and The preamble and resolutions on the amendment to the accurate acquaintance with the jurisdiction of the Federal constitution of the United States, proposed by the Legisand State Courts together, and with the admirable sym- lature of Pennsylvania, by the appointment of an imparmetry of our Government. The tenure of their offices tial tribunal to decide disputes between the State and Feenables them to pronounce the sound and correct opinions deral Judiciary, being also delivered in and twice read, on they may have formed, without fear, favor, or partiality. motion, was ordered to be committed to Messrs. Nelson, The amendment to the constitution, proposed by Penn-Currie, Campbell, Upshur, and Wolfe. sylvania, seems to be founded upon the idea that the FeFRIDAY, January 26. deral Judiciary will, from a lust of power, enlarge their Mr. Nelson reported, from the Committee to whom was jurisdiction, to the total annihilation of the jurisdiction of committed the preamble and resolutions on the amendthe State Courts; that they will exercise their will, instead ment proposed by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, &c. that the Committee had, according to order, taken the said preamble, &c. under their consideration, and directed him to report them without any amendment. And on the question being put thereupon, the same was agreed to unanimously.

of the law and the constitution.

This argument, if it proves any thing, would operate more strongly against the tribunal proposed to be created, which promised so little, than against the Supreme Court, which, for the reasons given before, have every thing connected with their appointment calculated to ensure confidence. What security have we, were the proposed amendMr. HAYNE, in reply to Mr. WEBSTER, observed: I do ment adopted, that this tribunal would not substitute their not rise at this late hour* to go at large into the controwill and their pleasure, in place of the law? The Judicia-verted questions between the Senator from Massachusetts ry is the weakest of the three departments of Govern. and myself, but merely to correct some very gross errors ment, and least dangerous to the political rights of the into which he has fallen, and to afford explanations on constitution; they hold neither the purse nor the sword; some points, which, after what has fallen from that gentleand, even to enforce their own judgments and decisions, man, may perhaps be considered as requiring explanation. must ultimately depend upon the Executive arm. Should The gentleman has attempted, through the whole course the Federal Judiciary, however, unmindful of their weak- of his argument, to throw upon me the blame of having ness, unmindful of the duty which they owe to themselves provoked this discussion. Though standing himself at the and their country, become corrupt, and transcend the very head and source of this angry controversy, which has limits of their jurisdiction, would the proposed amend-flowed from him down to me, he insists that I have troubled ment oppose even a probable barrier in such an improba- unfounded, sir, as every gentleman of this body will bear the waters. In order to give color to this charge, (wholly ble state of things? The creation of a tribunal, such as is proposed by Penn-witness) he alludes to my excitement when I first rose to sylvania, so far as we are able to form an idea of it from answer the gentleman, after he had made his attack upon the descriptions given in the resolutions of the Legislature that I had something rankling in my bosom, which I desirHe charges me with having then confessed of that State, would, in the opinion of your committee, tend rather to invite, than to prevent, collision between the Federal and State Courts. It might also become, in process of time, a serious and dangerous embarrassment to the operations of the General Government.

Resolved, therefore, That the Legislature of this State do disapprove of the amendment to the constitution of the United States proposed by the Legislature of Pennsylvania. Resolved, also, That his Excellency the Governor be, and he is hereby, requested to transmit forthwith, a copy of the foregoing preamble and resolutions to each of the Senators and Representatives of this State in Congress, and to the Executive of the several States in the Union, with a request that the same be laid before the Legislatures thereof.

The said resolutions being read a second time, were, on motion, ordered to be referred to a Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Commonwealth.

the South.

ed to discharge. Sir, I have no recollection of having used that word. If it did escape me, however, in the excitement of the moment, it was indicative, not of any personal hostility towards that Senator--for, in truth, sir, I felt none--but proceeded from a sensibility which could not but be excited by what I had a right to consider as an unprovoked and most unwarrantable attack upon the South through me.

The gentleman boasts that he has escaped unhurt in the conflict. The shaft, it seems, was shot by too feeble an arm to reach its destination. Sir, I am glad to hear this. Judging from the actions of the gentleman, I had feared

The lateness of the hour when Mr. W. resumed his seat compelled Mr. H. to curtail his remarks in reply, especially those which related to the constitutional question. In the speech as here reported, the quesarguments emitted are supplied. The great importance of the tion makes it desirable that nothing should be omitted necessary to its elucidation.- Note by Mr. H.

JAN. 27, 1830.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[SENATE.

that the arrow had penetrated even more deeply than I the South. When that was done, the object was appacould have wished. From the beating of his breast, and the rent, and it became my duty to take up the gauntlet tone and manner of the gentleman, I should fear he is which the gentleman had thrown down, and to come out, most sorely wounded. In a better spirit, however, I will without reserve, in defence of our institutions and our say, I hope his wounds may heal kindly, and leave no principles. The gentleman charges us with a morbid senscars behind; and let me assure the gentleman, that how-sibility on this subject. Sir, it is natural and proper that ever deeply the arrow may have penetrated, its point was we should be sensitive on that topic, and we must continot envenomed. It was shot in fair and manly fight, and nue so just so long as those who do not live among us with the twang of the bow have fled the feelings which shall be found meddling with a subject with which they impelled it. The gentleman indignantly repels the charge have nothing to do, and about which they know nothing. of having avoided the Senator from Missouri, [Mr. BEN- But, sir, we will agree, now, henceforth, and forever, TON] and selected me as his adversary, from any appre- to avoid the subject altogether, never even to mention the hension of being overmatched. Sir, when I found the word slavery on this floor, if gentlemen on the other side gentleman passing over in silence the arguments of the will only consent not to intrude it upon us, by forcing it Senator from Missouri, which had charged the East with unnecessarily into debate. When introduced, however, hostility towards the West, and directing his artillery whether by a hint or a sneer, by the imputation of weakagainst me, who had made no such charge, I had a rightness to slave-holding States, or in any other way, we must to inquire into the causes of so extraordinary a proceed- be governed entirely by our own discretion, as to the maning. I suggested some as probable, and among them, that ner in which the attack must be met. When the proposito which the gentleman takes such strong exception. Sir, tion was made here to appropriate the public lands to has he now given any sufficient reason for the extraordina- emancipation, I met it with a protest. I have now met an ry course of which I have complained? At one moment attack of a different character by an argument. he tells us that he did not hear the whole of the argument of the gentleman from Missouri," and again, "that, having found a responsible endorser of the bill, he did not think proper to pursue the drawer." Well, sir, if the gentleman answered the arguments which he did not hear, why attribute them to me, whom he did hear, and by whom they were certainly not urged? If he was determined to pursue the parties to the bill, why attempt to throw the responsibility on one who was neither the drawer nor the endorser? Let me once more, sir, put this matter on its true footing. I will not be forced to assume a position in which I have not chosen to place myself. Sir, I disclaim any intention whatever, in my original remarks on the public lands, to impute to the East hostility towards the West. I imputed none. I did not utter one word to that effect. I said nothing that could be tortured into an attack upon the East.

The gentleman, in alluding to the Hartford Convention, told us he had nothing to do with it, and had nothing to say either for or against it, and yet he undertook, at the same time, to recommend that renowned assembly as a precedent to the South.

Sir, unkind as my allusion to the Hartford Convention has been considered by its supporters, I apprehend that this disclaimer of the gentleman will be regarded as "the unkindest cut of all.” When the gentleman spoke of the Carolina conventions of Colleton and Abbeville, let me tell him that he spoke of that which never had existence, except in his own imagination. There have, indeed, been meetings of the people in those districts, composed, sir, of as high-minded and patriotic men as any country can boast; but we have had no "convention" as yet; and when South Carolina shall resort to such a measure for the redress of her grievances, let me tell the gentleman that, of I did not mention the "accursed tariff" --a phrase which all the assemblies that have ever been convened in this the gentleman has put into my mouth. I did not even im- country, the Hartford Convention is the very last we shall pute the policy of Mr. Rush to New England. In allud- consent to take as an example; nor will it find more favor ing to that policy I noticed its source, and spoke of it as I in our eyes, from being recommended to us by the Senathought it deserved. Sir, I am aware that a gentleman tor from Massachusetts. Sir, we would scorn to take adwho rises, without premeditation, to throw out his ideas vantage of difficulties created by a foreign war, to wring on a question before the Senate, may use expressions of from the Federal Government a redress even of our grievthe force and extent of which he may, at the time, ances. We are standing up for our constitutional rights, not be fully aware. I should not, therefore, rely so in a time of profound peace; but if the country should, confidently on my own recollections, but for the cir-unhappily, be involved in a war to-morrow, we should be cumstance that I have not found one gentleman who found flying to the standard of our country--first driving heard my remarks, (except the Senator from Msssachu-back the common enemy, and then insisting upon the resetts himself) who supposed that one word had fallen storation of our rights.

from my lips that called for a reply of the tone and cha- The gentleman, speaking of the tariff and internal imracter of that which the gentleman thought proper to pro-provements, said, that, in supporting these measures, he nounce; not one who supposed that I had thrown out any had but followed "a Carolina lead." He also quoted, imputations against the East, or justly subjected myself with high encomium, the opinions of the present chairor the South to rebuke, unless, indeed, the principles for man of the Committee of Ways and Means of the other which I contended were so monstrous as to demand un-House, in relation to the latter subject. Now, sir, it is measured reprobation. Now, sir, what were those prin- proper that the Senator from Massachusetts should be, ciples? I have already shown, that, whether sound or un-once for all, informed, that South Carolina acknowledges sound, they are not separated by a "hair's breadth" from no leaders, whom she is willing blindly to follow, in any those contended for by the gentleman himself, in 1825, and therefore, that he, of all men, had the least right to take exception to them.

course of policy. The "Carolina doctrines," in relation to the "Ainerican System," have been expounded to us by the resolutions of her Legislature, and the remonstrances Sir, the gentleman charges me with having unnecessa- of her citizens, now upon your table; and when the genrily introduced the slave question; with what justice, let tleman shows us one of her distinguished sons expressing those determine who heard that gentleman pointing out different sentiments, he neither changes her principles, the superiority of Ohio over Kentucky, and attributing it nor subjects the State to a charge of inconsistency. Sir, to that happy stroke of New England policy, by which no man can entertain a higher respect than I do for the disslavery was forever excluded north of the Ohio river. tinguished talents, high character, and manly indepenSir, I was wholly at a loss to conceive why that topic had dence of the gentleman alluded to; [Mr. McDUFFIE] but been introduced here at all, until the gentleman followed if he now entertains the opinions attributed to him, in reit up by an attack upon the principles and the policy of lation to internal improvements and the public lands,

SENATE.]

CV.

there can be no doubt that his sentiments, in these re-nal Improvement had been prosecuted on the principles of spects, differ widely from those of a large majority of the that bill, much of the inequality and injustice that have people of South Carolina; while, in relation to the tariff, since taken place would have been avoided. But, sir, I and other questions of vital importance, he not only goes am by no means disposed to deny, or to conceal the fact, heart and hand with us, but is himself a host. that a considerable change has taken place in the Southern The gentleman considers the tariff of 1816 and the bo- States, and in South Carolina in particular, in relation to nus bill as the foundation of the American System, and in- Internal Improvements, since that measure was first broachtimates that the former would not have prevailed, but for ed, at the close of the last war. Sir, when we were reSouth Carolina votes. Now, sir, as to the tariff of 1816, stored to a state of peace, the attention of our prominent I think a great mistake prevails throughout the country, statesmen was directed to plans for the restoration of the in regarding it as the commencement of the existing poli-country from the wounds of the war, and the public mind That was not a bill for increasing, but for reducing received a strong impulse towards Internal Improvements. duties. During the war double duties had been resorted The minds of the eminent men of the South had, by the to, for raising the revenue necessary for its prosecution. events of that war, received, for the time, a direction rather Manufactures had sprung up under the protection inci- favorable to the enlargement of the powers of the Governdentally afforded by the restrictive measures and the war.ment. They had seen the public arm paralyzed by the On the restoration of peace, a scale of duties was to be opposition to that war, and it was quite natural that they established, adapted to the situation in which the country should, at that time, rather be disposed to strengthen than was, by that event, placed. All agreed that the duties to weaken the powers of the Federal Government. Interwere to be reduced, and that this reduction must be gra.nal Improvements spring up in that heated soil; and I have dual. We had a debt on our hands of one hundred and no doubt that, as a new question, hardly examined, and forty or one hundred and fifty millions dollars. Admo- very little understood, the people of the South, for a nished by recent experience, a navy was to be built up, short period, took up the belief that, to a certain extent, and an extensive system of fortifications to be commenc-and under certain guards, the system could be beneficially ed. The operation, too, of a sudden reduction of duties and constitutionally pursued. But, sir, before time had upon the manufactures which had been forced into exist- been allowed for the formation of any fixed and settled ence by the war, and which then bore their full proportion opinions, the evils of the system were so fully developed, of the direct taxes, was also to be taken into considera- the injustice, the inequality, the corruption, flowing from tion; and, under all of these circumstances, it was deter- it, and the alarming extent of powers claimed for the Fedmined to reduce the duties gradually, until they should eral Government, by its supporters, became so manifest, reach the lowest amount necessary for revenue in time of as thoroughly to satisfy the South that the system of Inpeace. Such, sir, was the true character of the tariff law ternal Improvement, on the principles on which it was to of 1816. By that bill, (reported, sir, by the lamented be administered, was not only unequal and unjust, but a Lowndes, a steady opponent of the protecting system) most alarming innovation on the constitution. the duties on woollen and cotton goods were at once re- The gentleman has alluded to my own vote on the surduced to twenty-five per cent. with a provision that they vey bill of 1824. Sir, I have to return him my thanks should, in the course of three years, be further reduced for having afforded me, by that allusion, an opportunity of to twenty per cent.; while, by the tariff of 1824, the du- explaining my conduct in relation to the system of Interties on the same articles were at once increased to thirty nal Improvements. At the time that I was called to a per cent., and were to go on increasing to thirty-seven seat in this House I had been for many years removed and a half per cent.; and, by the tariff of 1828, have from political life, and engaged in the arduous pursuits of a been carried much higher. And yet the tariff of 1816 profession, which abstracted me almost entirely from the is now quoted as an authority for the tariffs of 1824 and examination of political questions. The gentleman tells 1828; by which duties admitted to be already high enough us he had not made up his own mind on this subject as late for all the purposes of revenue, are to go on increasing, as 1817. Sir, I had not even fully examined it in 1823. year after year, for the avowed purpose of promoting do- But, even at that time, I entertained doubts, both as to the mestic manufactures, by preventing importations. Sup-constitutionality and expediency of the system. I came pose, sir, the New England gentlemen were now to join here with these feelings, and before I was yet warm in the South in going back to a tariff for revenue, and were my seat, the survey bill of 1824 was brought up. We to propose to us gradually to reduce all the existing duties, were then expressly told by its advocates, that its object so that they should come down, in two or three years, to was, not to establish a system of Internal Improvements, fifteen or twenty per cent.--would the gentleman consi- but merely to present to Congress and the country a full der us as sending in our adhesion to the American System view of the whole ground, leaving it hereafter to be deby voting for such a reduction? And if not, how can he cided whether the system should be prosecuted, and if so, charge the supporters of the tariff of 1816 with being the on what principles? Sir, I was induced to believe that fathers of that system? In this view of the subject it is no great work would be undertaken until the objects of not at all material whether the representatives from South that survey bill should be accomplished; that is to say, Carolina voted for that measure or not; or whether the until the President should submit the whole scheme in one passage of the bill depended on their votes. On looking connected view, so that we should have before us at once into the journals, however, it will be found that the bill all the measures deemed to be of "national importance,' actually passed the House of Representatives, by a vote to which the attention of Congress might be directed. of 88 to 54; and would have succeeded, if every member from South Carolina had voted against it.

Sir, I did suppose that a few great works, in which all the States would have a common interest, and which The gentleman next mentions the "bonus bill" as the might therefore be considered as of "national importfirst step in the system of Internal Improvement. That ance, ,"were alone intended to be embraced in that bill, and was a bill, sir, not appropriating, but setting apart, a fixed that, in one or two years, the whole of the surveys would sum (the bank bonus) for Internal Improvements, to be be completed, when Congress would have it in their distributed among the States, on principles of perfect power to decide whether the system should be carried on equality, and to be applied "by consent of the States" at all, and if so, on what principles? Sir, I know that themselves. Though Mr. Madison put his veto on that bill, more than one gentleman who voted for the survey bill it was supposed, at the time, to be in the spirit of his own of 1824 expressly stated at the time, that they did not message; and though I must express my dissent from the intend to commit themselves on the general question; and measure, no doubt can exist that, if the system of Inter- I was one of that number. And it was expressly because