the same time, place him under influences calculated to disenthral his spirit from the bondage of ignorance, superstition and vice. It would remove the victim of a depressing prejudice into scenes. fitted to promote his growth in self-respect and self-improvement. In short, it would make a freeman of the slave and a citizen of the freeman.'

Nor does a design so noble fail to recommend itself to those whom it so nearly concerns. I have heard an aged and comparatively prosperous applicant for the Society's aid, speak on the occasion the language of nature and truth. To me indeed,' said he, emigration promises little, but when I look upon my boys, and reflect that they have before them no prospect of advancement in society, and will rank lower than the lowest of the whites, I feel that for their sakes, I must go to Liberia.'

It was well said by that beautiful moralist and profound philosopher, Sir James Mackintosh, the more mind, the greater compass of motive,' and it may be added, with no less truth-the less mind the greater need of external incitement. This moral necessity is amply provided for in the circumstances of the Liberian colonists, and this fact presents no inconsiderable argument in the view of one who has faithfully studied the nature of man with reference to his outward relations.

To a mind, in which lurks one spark of native sentiment, there is something inspiring in the very idea of going forth to make one of a free and happy Colony; to take part in founding on the ruins of persecution and barbarism, a commercial and religious community; to render those breezes, which bore the cries of the captured, melodious with the songs of grateful worshippers; to cause that watery expanse, across which the slave-boats darkly hurried, to bear proudly on its bosom the ships of the enterprising natives; and to rear, amid the palms, a glorious city-the asylum of the oppressed, sacred to liberty, humanity and the truths of religion: -in a word, to aid in carrying on a grand MORAL EXPERIMENT, the meliorating effects of which, upon the slave system, the slave trade and the African race, may, with truth, be deemed incalculable.

H.T. T.

PORTLAND COLONIZATION DEBATE.

A few weeks since several addresses were delivered before the citizens of Portland, by Rev. Cyril Pearl, agent of the Colonization Society, and a desire was about the same time expressed by several of his hearers and others, to form a Society auxiliary to the parent Institution at Washington.

Soon after this, on Friday evening, June 28th, an address was given by the Rev. J. N. Danforth, of Boston, Gen. Agent, at the close of which, John D. Kinsman, Esq. rose to offer resolutions in favor of forming a Society. Rev. Dr. Tyler was called to

the chair.

• General Fessenden, Vice President of the Maine Anti-slavery Society, took the floor, and opposed the measure, and continued at some length stating objections to the Society, beseeching the citizens to pause and consider, before they gave support to that

cause.

Mr. Kinsman had no objection to a full discussion, but this was not the time for it. Many had examined the subject and made up their minds to form a Society; but if the opponents of the cause wished a discussion, its friends would be willing to gratify them at any suitable time.

John Neal Esq. declared himself in favor of a full discussion of the subject, and wished a Constitution prepared, that we might understand what was to be discussed. As a friend to the colored people, he had long been in favor of the Colonization Society, but believed great misapprehension existed on the subject, and for one was willing to undertake the defence not only of its objects but of its doings. He would move that a committee be appointed to prepare and report a Constitution-so that full opportunity should be given for those who were against the object to be heard at an adjourned meeting.

Dr. Tyler did not see the necessity of collision on this subject. An Anti-slavery Society had been formed in which many of our citizens did not wish to unite. No one attempted to oppose the formation of that Society, and if the friends of colonization wished to form a Society, surely no one could reasonably object to the

measure.

Mr. N.'s motion prevailed, and a committee consisting of Messrs. Joseph Libbey, William Cutter, George C. Beckwith, John Neal and Seba Smith, was chosen to prepare and report a Constitution, and the meeting adjourned till Monday evening, July 8.

On the evening appointed, a large audience assembled at the meeting-house of the 3d parish, and Dr. Tyler being absent, Gen. A. Richardson was called to the chair, and William Cutter appointed Secretary. Prayer was offered by Rev. G. C. Beckwith.

John Neal, Esq. presented the draught of a Constitution in the usual form, prefaced with some remarks expressing the views of the committee in relation to slavery and their desire for the elevation and improvement of the colored people of this country.

Mr. Neal hoped, in regard to the debate which might ensue, that no limitation would be set to it, of time, order, or anything else. He wished the opposition to choose their own weapons and make the best of them.

From this time the discussion was carried on for five successive evenings. The principal speakers against the Society were Gen. Fessenden, Mr. Henry Goddard, Mr. Munroe, (a colored preacher,) and Mr. J. Winslow. Those on the other side were Mr. Neal, Mr. Pearl, W. Cutter, S. Adams, and the Rev. Messrs. Tyler and Beckwith. One of the evenings was occupied by Gen. Fessenden alone; another by Mr. Williams, Vice-Agent of Liberia, and Mr. Thatcher of Boston, neither of the latter, however, joining in the debate. To save space we shall give simply the principal points made by the opposition, and the leading features of the argument against them.

1. The inadequacy of the scheme, in itself considered. The Society had moved but about 3,000 since its organization, and only a few hundreds (one thousand) of these were liberated slaves, while the annual increase of slaves is 2 per cent.

2. Its effect on public sentiment. It served to give false security to the masters, by holding up a plausible scheme of emancipation which is yet impracticable, and a real security by draining off the surplus of the slaves. The surplus slaves, such as could not be profitably employed, might be removed-this would quiet the fears of the master. If he had ten more slaves than he could employ, and they were a trouble, he might give away these for the purpose of securing the others and increasing their value. We might give away half of the goods in our store (said Mr. Winslow) if this would make the other half more valuable than the whole.'

3. The Society did not originate in the purest motives; many of the first members and officers were slave-holders. Dr. Finley was often referred to as its founder. The following extracts from his letter would show his views before the society was formed.

'Could they be sent to Africa a three-fold benefit would arise. We should be cleared of them-we should send to Africa a popu

lation partly civilized and partly christianized for its benefit, and our blacks themselves would be placed in better circumstances.'[Letter Feb. 14, 1815, Af. Repos. vol. 1, p. 2.]

We should be cleared of them.' How very benevolent!! This was the first motive; but secondly it would remove a population partly civilized,' that is semi-civilized, and semi-barbarous for the benefit of Africa. Mr. Fessenden thought that to pour such a population upon Africa, would be its greatest curse.

4. The Society disparage the free blacks; is an occasion, if not the cause of severe laws against both them and the slaves; apologizes for slave-holders; regards slaves as property; and in fine, tends to perpetuate and aggravate the slave system.

In regard to the first and second position, it was said that the Society was at least doing something, which was more, perhaps, than could be said of their opponents. It was something to emancipate 1,000 slaves, and place them in circumstances of personal comfort and political freedom. This was in addition to its moral influence, which moral influence was the only thing affected to be aimed at by its opponents. It did not, indeed, fly in the face of the law, nor interfere with rights secured by the Constitution. It was no nullifying scheme-did not seek to promote insubordination among slaves, nor exasperate the masters, by calling them thieves, robbers, kidnappers, without distinction-nor by exciting bitterness against them in the free States, and increasing the alienation that now existed. It chose to act by a different process -to change the will of the masters by mild measures-to show them how emancipation may be effected-to demonstrate that the blacks are capable of improvement-of self-government and support to elevate African character by elevating a community of Africans-thus to awaken sympathy and respect for the whole race. It promoted emancipation by carrying discussion into the slave states. Look at Virginia, Maryland and Kentucky-these were the earliest slave States to engage in colonization efforts— these were the States where the people were most nearly prepared to abolish slavery by legislative enactments. The friends of colonization were the leading advocates for emancipation-the discussions which were preparing the public mind for emancipation were led forward by the friends of colonization, and in connection with colonization efforts. Agents of the Colonization Society could preach emancipation in the South—they had a plan to present. The anti-colonizationists do not go there to preach their doctrines. The society (said Mr. Pearl) would promote emancipation by awakening sympathy for the slaves and securing their instructionby lessening the danger of insurrections, and promoting kind feel

ings in masters and slaves. Inflammatory publications and fear of insurrections had occasioned laws prohibiting emancipation-forbidding the slaves being taught to read and write-had occasioned jealousy in the southern people. The Colonization Society was exerting a counteracting influence-enlisting the humane and religious part of the community at the South in behalf of the blacks. It was not an education society-but the friends of it, to be consistent, must desire the instruction of the blacks. If they would make a prosperous Colony, they must have intelligent colonists. If humane masters wished to liberate and send their slaves to Liberia, they would endeavor to instruct and prepare them for freedom. Some were now doing thus. An unusual desire for the instruction of slaves is now felt, as was manifest from the statements recently made in this house by gentlemen from the South.* The report of the Synod of Virginia, Presbyteries in Georgia, articles in southern newspapers, all confirm this view. Now let the slaves be instructed-let masters and slaves be imbued with the spirit of the gospel-slavery would cease of course-slaves would be prepared for freedom, and masters would make them free.

Another influence on slavery was exerted by the moral power of example. Here and there, a master did emancipate. More than 1,000 slaves had already been given up-more than half that number within less than two years. Multitudes more were offered -entire families had thus been blessed with freedom-often with great pecuniary sacrifice to the master-from conscientious motives -by men who would not buy or sell slaves. Would this render slaves more valuable ?—perpetuate slavery? Just the reverse. Such examples bore upon the feelings of other masters-the slaves thus manumitted, passed through the country to the place of their embarkation-it was known and read of all men, that they were free-going to the land of their fathers. What was the effect of such exhibitions upon the feelings of masters?

Then as the Colony prospered, and was able to receive increasing numbers of this class, this influence would be accumulating. It would become a flood of light-a resistless torrent, upon the consciences of men.

Again, if this experiment was successful it would change the moral sense of the South in regard to the capacity of the blacks for self-government and support. Many thought them an inferior race-incapable of improvement, and therefore unfitted for freedom. This was a quietus upon the conscience of the slave-holder-it

* Col. Lumpkin of Georgia, and others.