seemed no great sin to hold them in bondage. But let the Colony prosper-its commerce extend, its vessels manned and laded by Africans be seen in our harbors-its merchants be seen in our cities-let men who a few years since were slaves in this country be prosperous free men in Liberia-let this truth be known and felt by slave holders-those who hold their brethren as property-and how will it affect them? Or let prosperous colonies flourishtheir schools and churches rise-free government be established in Africa-commerce extend with the native tribes-win them away from the slave-trade-open the way for their civilization--fasten the sympathy of the civilized world upon that continent-let means of intellectual and moral improvement be poured in, Africans be enlightened, and who could hold them in bondage? Let Africa be a civilized continent, and men's consciences could no more consent to enslave them, than to enslave Frenchmen or Englishmen. In reference to the third point, the Rev. Dr. Tyler said:A part of Dr. Finley's letter had been read and commented upon to show that the founder of the society had bad motives.

Was Mr. Finley the man to injure the blacks-to form a conspiracy for this purpose? Hear his language in the very letter which had been quoted.

"The longer I live to see the wretchedness of men, the more I admire the virtues of those who devise, and with patience labor to execute plans for the relief of the wretched. On this subject the state of the free blacks has very much occupied my mind. Their number increases greatly, and their wretchedness too, as appears to me.'

Robert Finley, who engaged in petitioning the legislature of New Jersey for the abolition of slavery-and succeeded in itwho instructed, baptized and manumitted his own slaves-who took charge of a sunday school of 80 or 90 blacks, and labored incessantly for them*-was he the person to injure the black man? Would he pour upon Africa a semi-civilized,' semi-barbarous' population to act the part of the Goths and Vandals-and PERPETUATE SLAVERY? the very system he was endeavoring to overthrow! He doubtless thought that if the colored people, or a part of them, could be separated from the whites and made happy in Africa, while it was conferring blessings upon them, it would also be well for the whites-that planting a colony of colored people, a part of whom were intelligent christians, would benefit Africaand that doing this would benefit the blacks who should remain in this country. This seemed to be the import of his language. Surely if any man was a friend of the blacks, Robert Finley was.

Samuel J. Mills, one of the first agents and pioneers to Africathe first martyr to the cause-was he laying a plot-engaged in a conspiracy against the rights of the colored man?

"The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, the Methodist General Conference, the Baptist General Association, the General Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church, and many of their subordinate conventions, had earnestly presented it to the favor of the religious public.' Af. Rep. vol. 1, p. 5.

Had these denominations of Christians entered into a 'conspiracy against human rights?' and were they unanimous in abusing the blacks, and opposing their instruction? Was it their

object to perpetuate slavery? Could they not understand its object and tendency? How did people at the south understand it? [Numerous extracts were here read to show that the friends and foes of the society at the south consider its influence as tending to emancipation.] Could not the people on the spot judge better than we at a distance?

The remarks of Mr. Neal were made chiefly in reference to the quotations introduced by Mr. Fessenden, from the Liberator, and Garrison's Thoughts on Colonization,' on which that gentleman mainly relied for evidence to prove the charges under the fourth head mentioned above. These quotations were said to be made from all sorts of pamphlets and papers, most of which were no authority at all, and the passages cited were almost always garbled in such a manner as scarcely to bear any resemblance to the original sentiment of the writer, whoever he might be. Several of them were credited, for instance, to the Society's Reports, when in fact they were taken from unofficial documents merely bound up in the same volume. Others were ascribed to men who might originally have entertained such opinions, but had since changed them, and some of whom had abandoned the Society because they found themselves deceived in regard to its influence in favor of emancipation. Other sentiments there might be, perhaps, really objectionable, entertained by here and there a Colonizationist-and the Repository made it a practice to publish the speeches as they were delivered, whether pro or con-but these were not justified, either by the managers or the members of the Institution. So much for quotation. After all, the great question was, what is the tendency of the Society's measures? It is of comparatively little moment, what A. or B. may have said about them.

As to the charge of disparaging the free blacks, Mr. Pearl, referring to some remarks on the Canterbury affair, observed, that whatever were the views of people in that State, it was as unreasonable to charge their measures upon the Colonization Society as upon the Bible or Missionary Society.

He had travelled in all the New England States as an Agent, and conversed extensively with the friends of Colonization-had found them uniformly desirous of promoting the instruction of the colored people-the common feeling was that of kindness and sympathy for the blacks.

But the people were not disposed to sanction the measures of the Anti-Slavery Society-this was the reason why they are slow to aid in establishing their proposed manual labor school. The Society was therefore defeating its own efforts, and standing in the way of other measures for the education of the colored people.

Aside from the efforts of the friends of colonization in this country, and the interest thus awakened, the reflux influence of the colony would doubtless have a powerful effect upon the blacks in this country. As their brethren go to Africa and rise in circumstances there, and their prosperity is known to those who remain, new hopes and efforts are awakened; they have new inducements to acquire knowledge, property and character, that they may join those who have gone before them, or, if they were prejudiced against the scheme, they would endeavor to rival the_colonists, in this country.

In regard to what had been done already, Mr. Pearl said :Suppose descriptions of their condition and prospects had been sometimes overdrawn, did the progress of the Society prevent efforts for their welfare in this country? Surely not. Facts spread before the community by the society has roused the colored people to a sense of their condition, and to efforts for improvement.

The same facts had enlisted the sympathy of the whites-led to the establishment of schools-awakened an interest which never before existed in their behalf. He was aware that those who oppose the society claimed this interest as the result of their efforts -but it must be remembered that schools and sabbath schools for the colored people had been in existence long before their society existed-schools in all the New England states had been sustained by friends of colonization for years before the society was accused of preventing their instruction.' It was stated as almost a universal fact that the teachers of the blacks in the Southern States. are friends of colonization-that nearly all that is done for their instruction is done by colonizationists.

Several of the speakers in this discussion took occasion to inquire into the comparative merits of the Colonization and Abolition scheme, quite minutely, and especially as relates to the influence of the former on the interests of Africa; but these subjects have been so often referred to in this Journal that it is unnecessary to continue our report any farther. Several of the points, however, which were admitted by the opposition, are worthy of notice.

1. After the statements of Mr. Williams, nothing was urged against the Colony. It was generally allowed to be well-managed, prosperous and promising. None of the statements of Mr. W. respecting its influence on the slave-trade or over the natives, were disputed. Mr. Fessenden expressed an opinion that the character of the emigrant should be good; and so did his opponents, with at least equal earnestness.

2. Mr. Winslow (a gentleman whose candor in debate was highly creditable to him) thought that the Anti-Slavery Society ought not to be responsible for the injudicious remarks of an individual, [Garrison]. He did not approve such language, and the whole society should not be censurable for the errors of one man. Gen. Fessenden, on the other hand, did not express any qualification of his confidence in the propriety of Mr. Garrison's language and views. In a letter to that gentleman published not long since in the Liberator, he declared himself to be with him, to the fullest extent;' and this endorsement he did not undertake to explain.

The Anti-Slavery Society above named is the Maine' Society formed some months since at Portland, and respecting which, as it made some noise at the time, we may here mention, that most of the officers were chosen without their own consent, and by a vote not exceeding ten at the maximum. Several of its principal officers and almost all its members, we understand, are Colonizatronists. They are of course Anti-Slavery men, as we all are at the North.

The result of the discussion was the formation of a large and excellent Colonization Society, of which over 200 persons made themselves members at the close of the debate, before leaving the Church.

ADDRESS TO THE PUBLIC.

THE undersigned, having been appointed by a meeting of their fellow citizens a Committee to prepare a brief address to the people of this city and State, in behalf of the American Colonization Society, and to adopt such other means as they might deem expedient, to obtain by subscriptions and donations, the amount of ten thousand dollars to aid its cause, beg leave in the discharge of this duty to submit a few considerations, which they trust will be deemed sufficient to justify an immediate, general and earnest effort to increase the resources of this Institution.

The Committee will attempt no vindication of the character of a Society over which JAMES MADISON presides, and of which CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL is a Vice President and to which both these eminent men have made generous donations, while they have expressed publicly their hope that it might receive support from the State legislatures and

the national government. It is not to be denied that the Society was founded by the benevolent, the patriotic and pious, and that from the great community of these throughout this Union, it has mainly derived support.

That the people of color who have sought its aid, and emigrated under its direction to Liberia, have, according to their own testimony and the testimony of others, greatly improved their condition and character:

That through its moral influence, numerous slaves (about 1000) have been manumitted, and through its agency, settled in freedom and prosperity in Liberia-while many others are ready to be consigned to its care:

That no one has shown or can show that the public have experienced detriment from the plans or proceedings of this Society:

That the Slave Trade has through its efforts been nearly if not entirely banished from an extent of 150 miles on the African coast, that the native Africans in the vicinity of the Colony are in their own judgment greatly benefitted by its establishment-and that disinterested strangers who have visited them, concur in their opinion:

That the practicability of the plan of African Colonization on a scale of vast utility, has been demonstrated, and that means exist for immensely enlarging its results:

Whether then the Society be regarded in its influence upon the destinies of our free colored population, in the powerful inducements which it presents for the voluntary emancipation of the enslaved, in its promised benefits to our own country, or the greater blessings which by establishing Christian institutions upon her shores it must confer upon Africa, your Committee view it as full of interest, and admirably adapted to accomplish, by the most unobjectionable means, a work of vast and enduring utility to mankind.

Nor should it be forgotten, that this Society proposes the only plan for the general improvement and elevation of the people of color, in the support of which we can at present hope to see united, the affections and contributions of benevolent men of all religious denominations, of every political creed, and of every State in this Union.

The consideration that the scheme proposed and thus far successfully prosecuted by this Society, has received the sanction of the wisest and best men in our Southern States, where every question relating to the condition and interests of our colored population is surrounded with difficulty, strongly recommends it, in the judgment of your Committee, to the favor and liberality of our citizens. While your Committee believe there exists, generally, neither in Massachusetts or New England, any disposition to disturb or interfere with the peculiar Institutions of the States of the South, they are equally confident, that the earnest and generous co-operation of our community will not be withheld from a plan approved by our Southern brethren for the removal of acknowledged evils, and the advancement of the great common cause of human improvement.

Your Committee are convinced that enough has been done by the American Colonization Society, considering its recent origin, the difficulty of its enterprize, and its scanty resources, to afford the best grounds for expectation of far greater success, and that the results of its philanthropic labors, will at no very remote period, be seen in the intellectual and moral renovation of Africa, the return of thousands of her exiled children to her shores, and the growing prospects of numerous Colonies about her coast, founded by American benevolence, that shall substitute among her untutored and long oppressed tribes for the infamous slave trade, the advantages of a powerful and lawful commerce, and build up, every where, in that land of Darkness, Schools, Churches and all those glorious Institutions that ever rise to adorn the Domain of a free, civilized and christian people.

Our commercial community may be pleased to learn that the colonists are actively engaged in trade, exchanging the various products of English and American manufactured skill and agricultural industry for the dye-woods, ivory, hides, gold, palm oil and rice of