and whether or not, therefore, they might, without reference to their motives, be called the enemies or the friends of that accursed system, it is quite certain at least that all the opposition made to the Colonization Society, by the ultra-abolitionists* of the north, is but a drop in the bucket compared with the opposition made by the friends of the slave-system at the south. Who does not know that against this latter class the Society, ever since its origin, has been compelled to maintain a constant warfare, in defence of the principles of freedom and the rights of man? Mr. Gurley, the Secretary of the National Society,-who, with as much inconsistency as injustice, has been accused on one hand of a leaning in favor of slavery, and on the other of favoring emancipation with a zeal too fervent to do good, in a pamphlet recently published at Washington, under the title of a Letter on the American Colonization Society,' and of which the authorship is avowed on its face, says, It is a fact most pertinent to the object of this letter, and worth a thousand arguments, that while Mr. Garrison is representing the Colonization Society as hostile to abolition, and tending to strengthen and perpetuate the system of slavery, nearly every friend of perpetual slavery at the south is an enemy to the Society; and the only opposition that I am aware of at the south, arises from the conviction among the enemies of any and all abolition, that the tendency of the Society is to promote the voluntary abolition of slavery. Are the enemies of the Society at the south in circumstances less favorable than Mr. Garrison for the formation of a correct judgment on this subject? Mr. Gurley, in this pamphlet, also republishes, seasonably we think, an article on South Carolina opinions of the Society,' which appeared originally in the African Repository three years ago. In the outset the Institution had many friends in that section -from what motives they supported it, is not for us to decidebut as its tendencies in favor of emancipation have been gradually more and more developed, (while at the same time its adherence to a legitimate modus operandi has been more distinct and indisputable,) the complacency with which it was regarded has been gradually transformed into a virulent hostility. In 1820, the sum of five hundred dollars was remitted from Charleston for the Society. But seven years afterwards, a distinguished writer, over the signature of Brutus,' denounced the scheme as an insiduous attack on the domestic tranquility of the south; as the nest-egg placed in Congress by northern abolitionists, that therefrom might be hatched We use this term because, in some parts of the country, we should be misunderstood without the adjunct, as we should to use the term anti-slavery without explanation. The colonizationists are both abolitionists and anti-slavery men; but under present circumstances, they would not covet the honor or the benefit, we apprehend, of being generally confounded with those who assume those names. and raised for the south, anxiety, inquietude, and troubles, to which there could be no end.' The Charleston Mercury, on the 24th of April, 1829, asks, in the most exasperated tone, Will Congress aid a Society reprobated at the south, and justly regarded as murderous in its principles, and as tending inevitably to the destruction of the public peace? Will it become an instrument in the hands of fanaticism, and act as the abettor of the incendiary and assassin?' Now, not to follow up this subject farther, one of two conclusions would seem to be irresistible: either that the Society had shown itself so manifestly and strenuously anti-slavery' in its declarations and argument, decided and forcible always, though never boisterous, as that the slave-owners of the sections in question, were induced sincerely to confound it with ultra-abolitionism in all its obnoxious aspects, and therefore, without reference to the character of the slave-system, to reprobate at all hazards such a society, with such a scheme; or else, that, from the same conviction of its radical tendency and influence, they determined, as friends of slavery and as enemies of emancipation, to oppose the Society in the most effectual manner, by casting upon it the imputation of 'fanaticism.' In a word, this opposition implied and does imply the exact reverse of what it is accused of by those persons at the north who take to themselves the merit of being its sole opponents. Evidence of such a character, from such a quarter, certainly requires no comment of ours. We shall conclude with one more quotation from Mr. Gurley's article. After abundantly proving the premises here alluded to, he adds: The hostility manifested towards the American Colonization Society has not been excited, then, by any departure of the Society from the design and the principles which it avowed at its origin, nor yet from any thing in its character or proceedings unfriendly to the rights and interest of the southern States. It is the success of the Society-it is the fulfilment of the hopes and predictions of its founders-that has awakened the desperate and malignant spirit which now comes forth to arrest its progress. Voluntary emancipation begins to follow in the train of colonization; and the advocates of perpetual slavery are indignant at witnessing, in effectual operation, a scheme which permits better men than themselves to exercise, without restraint, the purest and the noblest feelings of our nature. These strenuous assertors of the right to judge for themselves in regard to their domestic policy, are alarmed at a state of things which secures the same right to every individual of their community. Do they apprehend that the system which they would perpetuate cannot continue unimpaired unless the privilege of emancipating his slaves for the purpose of colonization, shall be denied to the master? Do they feel that in this country and this age, the influences of truth and freedom are becoming too active and powerful, and that all their forces must be summoned to the contest with these foes to their purposes and their doctrines? If so, their defeat is inevitable. Such men have more to do than to counteract the efforts of our Society. Few and feeble even in the States of the south, they must gird themselves for warfare against all the friends of virtue and liberty, of man and God. The Society has been charged with intending to disturb the domestic tranquillity of the south,' and no slander could be more false, excepting only the accusation now seriously advanced, in the opposite quarter, of a design to perpetuate slavery'! To call its tendency such, would seem to be quite enough, were there any proof or any probability to that effect; and this, if it be made a question, we shall always hold ourselves and our pages free to discuss; but the hardihood of the grosser charge places it beyond the pale of controversy. Others may think differently; but in our opinion, it can hardly be said either to demand argument or deserve notice. THE HEATHEN AFRICAN MOTHER AT HER DAUGHTER'S GRAVE. BY MRS. SIGOURNEY. [Some of the Pagan Africans visit the burial places of their departed relatives, with offerings of food and drink. Mothers have been known, for a long course of years, to bring, in an agony of grief, this annual oblation to their children's graves.] 'Daughter!-I bring thee food, The rice-cake pure and white, The orange in its gold, Fresh from the favorite tree, Nuts in their brown and husky fold, Dearest, I spread for thee. 'Year after year I tread Thus to thy low retreat, But now the snow-hairs mark my head, And age enchains my feet; Oh!-many a change of woe Hath dimm'd thy spot of birth, 'There came a midnight cry; Flames from our hamlet rose, A race of pale-brow'd men were nigh They were our country's foes: Thy wounded sire was borne By tyrant force away,— Thy brothers from our cabin torn, While bathed in blood I lay. 'I watched for their return, Till night's red planets ceased to burn, A ripened fruitage bore, 'Yet thou art slumbering deep; The idol of my eye, Why dost thou leave thy mother's side, Long o'er the hopeless grave, To sooth her bursting sighs- Thy daughter's dust shall rise.' Christians! ye hear the cry From heathen Afric's strand, Haste! lift salvation's banners high, O'er that benighted land: With faith that claims the skies, Her misery control; And plant the hope that never dies Deep in her tear-wet soul. LETTER OF MR. GURLEY, On the American Colonization Society. In the New-York Observer, a few weeks since, was published a letter, addressed by the Secretary of the National Society to Henry Ibbertson, Esq. of Sheffield, England. It is intended as an answer to objections brought against the Society by zealous anti-slavery men' both in England and this country; and it so effectually serves that purpose, as appears to us, that we regret not being able to give it place in our pages at full length. After citing the sentiment of Lord Bacon, that the law of Jesus Christ, 'Do unto others as you would that others should do unto you,'' is the perfection of the law of nature and of nations,' binding equally upon man as an individual, and as a member of political society, and after admitting that the American Colonization Society, if it violate in principle or practice this law, is unworthy, utterly unworthy of private or public patronage,-Mr. Gurley goes on to illustrate the position that though this great law be itself immutable, yet the action and conduct required by it are relatively various in different individuals; and in regard to any one individual, dependent for various modifications on the circumstances in which he may be placed. Having strongly fortified this outpost, the writer calls attention to the peculiar necessity of using caution and discretion in a case involving the permanent interests of human beings; and in which changes are proposed to be wrought in the institutions of society, old and established, connected and interwoven with its whole frame-work and constitution, and running into and affecting the strongest passions and feelings, the most vital principles of its existence. He then borrows the following remarkable passage from an essay of the great Edwards,' (as he justly entitles that eminent man,) on carelessness of the future consequences of things: Nothing can be more evident from the New Testament, than (alluding to the introduction of things new and strange) that such things ought to be done with great caution and moderation, to avoid the offence that may thereby be given, and the prejudices that might be raised to cloy and hinder the progress of religion. Yea that it ought to be thus in things that are in themselves good and excellent, and of great weight; provided they are not things of the nature of absolute duty, which though they may appear to be innovations yet cannot be neglected without disobedience to the command of God. And the Apostles avoided teaching the christians in those early days, at least for a great while, some high and excellent divine truths, because they could not bear them yet. (1 Cor. iii. c. 1, 2 Heb. v. 2, to the end.) Thus strictly did the Apostles observe the rule that their blessed Master gave them, of not putting new wine into old bottles, lest they should burst the bottles and lose the wine. And how did Christ himself, while on earth, forbear so plainly to teach his disciples the doctrines of Christianity concerning his satisfaction, and the particular benefit of his death, resurrection, and ascension, because in that infant state the disciples were then in, their minds were not prepared for such instruction. 'I have many things yet to say unto you, but ye cannot bear them now. Howbeit when He the spirit of truth is come, he will guide you into all truth. And with many parables spake he the word unto them, as they were able to bear it.' These things might be enough to convince any one, who does not think himself wiser than Christ and his Apostles, that great prudence and caution should be used in introducing things into the church of God, that are very uncommon, though in themselves they may be very excellent, lest by our rashness and imprudent haste, we hinder religion much more than we help it. Persons |