Slike strani

"Away, away, o'er the foaming main!' This was the free and joyous strainThere are clearer skies than ours afar,

We will shape our course by a brighter star;

There are plains whose verdure no foot hath pressed, And whose wealth is all for the first brave guest.'

'But alas! that we should go,'

Sang the farewell voices then,
'From the homesteads warm and low,
By the brook and in the glen.'

We will rear new homes, under trees that glow
As if gems were the fruitage of every bough
O'er our white walls we will train the vine,
And sit in its shadow at day's decline,
And watch our herds as they range at will,
Through the green savannas, all bright and still.'

'But woe for that sweet shade

Of the flowering orchard trees,
Where first our children play'd,

Midst the birch and honey-bees.'

All, all our own shall the forests be, As to the bound of the roebuck free!

None shall say, "hither, no farther pass!"

We will track each step through the wavy grass!
We will chase the elk in his speed and might,

And bring proud spoils to the hearth at night.'

'But oh! the gray church-tower,

And the sound of the sabbath bell,
And the sheltered garden bower-
We have bid them all farewell!'

We will give the names of our fearless race To each bright river whose course we trace; We will leave our memory with mounts and floods, And the path of our daring in boundless woods! And our works unto many a lake's green shore, Where the Indian's graves lay alone before!'

'But who shall teach the flowers,

Which our children loved, to dwell
In a soil that is not ours?

Home, home, and friends, farewell!'


MESSRS. EDITORS:-The first number of your periodical was received in due season, and an examination of its contents has afforded me much pleasure. In this day of excited feelings and harsh language, it is refreshing to turn from the perusal of periodicals blazing with the fires of party strife, to those that treat, with a spirit becoming the dignity of free and enlightened men, those subjects on which men still differ in opinion. If the 'course' you prescribe is pursued both temperately and fearlessly, I cannot doubt that your labors will be appreciated, and will essentially aid in promoting harmony of feeling and action among the friends of humanity who seek the welfare of the colored race. Thus most effectually may the cause of freedom and truth be advanced, and the sufferings of the oppressed relieved. The pure, gentle spirit of christianity is the great reforming influence on which we must rely, under God, for correcting the errors, relieving the sufferings, and elevating the character of fallen man.

There is one subject connected with the cause you advocate which seems to me worthy of attention. In late numbers of the U. S. Telegraph I perceive there is an effort making to convince the southern people that a northern combination is forming to interfere with the system of slavery in such a manner as to endanger the safety and prosperity of the southern sections of the country. Whether this effort is made from an impression that such a combination is really forming, or from a desire to produce excitement, and alienate the south from the north, I presume not to judge. Whatever be the motive, it is certainly proper that the views and feelings prevalent in New-England should be understood, and having had some opportunity for ascertaining them I submit to you the following statements.

Within the last ten months I have travelled extensively as an agent for the Colonization Society, and have endeavored to ascertain the state of public sentiment in relation to slavery and emancipation, as well as colonization, in all of the New-England States. In addition to delivering between one and two hundred addresses, I have conversed with the editors of more than one hundred and fifty newspapers and periodicals, with more than five hundred clergymen of different denominations, and with a great number of active, intelligent laymen. The result of these investigations is an entire conviction that no such combination is forming; and that the Telegraph misapprehends the state of feeling in this region, by

mistaking the language of a few editors, and the zealous efforts of a few individuals, for the voice and spirit of New-England. But surely they who have been long in public life, and acquainted with the management of party excitements, ought to be aware that a few men can make a great noise on an exciting subject, and drown the voice of the multitude; and thus create an erroneous impression upon minds unacquainted with facts.

It is true that in New-England there is prevalent a strong abhorrence of the system of slavery. There is a general belief that slavery is wrong; that it is full of bitterness to the slave, of mischief to the master, and of danger and ruin to the southern states. There is a general belief that the safety and interest, as well as duty of slave-proprietors and slave-states, require that the best measures practicable should be adopted for hastening the peaceful, voluntary abolition of slavery. There is a firm belief that slavery will be abolished at no distant day; that the spirit of the age, the progress of truth, and the voice of conscience will necessarily lead to this result; or that the convulsive struggles of the oppressed will soon burst the barriers that should have yielded to the force of reason and the voice of God. But that there is an extensive disposition prevalent in New-England to interfere rashly with this system, to violate any provisions of the Constitution in relation to slavery, or to injure in any way those sections of the country where it exists, is not true. The common feeling of New-England is that of kindness and forbearance. It is a feeling of painful anxiety for the safety and happiness of the southern states, and the harmony and prosperity of the whole country. To this there are undoubted exceptions, as there is more or less of recklessness and selfishness here as well as elsewhere; and even benevolence is sometimes misguided, and then its operations may be not less fatal than those of sheer malice.

It is true that a considerable effort has been made to produce excitement on the subject of slavery. The Liberator has been published more than two years; and a few other papers have published articles fitted to produce excitement. The course pursued by the Genius of Temperance, at New-York, and other papers from the same office, has brought upon our editors, and, most unfortunately and unreasonably, upon temperance societies, the accusation of interfering with the system of slavery in a manner which is inconsistent with the safety of the southern people, and the harmony and integrity of the Union. The truth is far otherwise. I do not recollect more than six or seven editors, or more than this number of clergymen, among all with whom I have conversed, who approve of the temper of the New-England Anti-slavery So

ciety. It is true that a considerable number have given notice of the lectures of its agents, and some have admitted them to their pulpits; but many of these sincerely regretted doing so, after hearing their lectures, and would refuse them any countenance if applied to again. A very considerable number of individuals, who have been reported as advocates of the N. E. Anti-Slavery Society, utterly disclaim any connection with it, and speak of its measures as unreasonable and pernicious. Some who believe that the objects of the Society, as expressed in the second article of the constitution, are praiseworthy, still believe that the measures pursued are fitted to defeat rather than to secure these objects. The friends of Colonization in New-England, generally, so far as I have been able to ascertain their views, would and do gladly engage in efforts for the education of the free colored people in this country, if proper measures were and are pursued; but they believe the efforts of this Society fitted to injure these unfortunate people immensely more than to benefit them; fitted to cherish in them a spirit of jealousy and bitterness, and thus to increase the prejudice against them, and throw them out of employment; to increase the dangers of insurrection at the south; occasion oppressive laws for the government of the colored people; prevent their instruction; endanger the safety and happiness both of the colored people and the whites; aggravate the worst passions of men, and array the north and south against each other in fierce contentions. The people of New-England, generally, are not prepared to countenance measures which they believe must tend to such results. They do not believe the interests of the colored people are to be advanced by exciting their hostility to the whites, or by alienating the different sections of the country from each other.

I am more fully convinced than ever that opposition from this source will benefit the Colonization cause. It will doubtless alienate some friends, but it will raise up others, and lead them to examine more thoroughly and act more efficiently. I have found far less opposition to the Society, where it had been attacked, than I expected. In places where a good deal of excitement was produced by lectures, a corresponding reaction has followed, and a much deeper interest is now felt in the Colonization cause than before.

I had intended to say something of the different classes of persons who unite in opposing the Society, but must reserve this for another letter. Yours sincerely,

Windsor, (Vt.) May 10, 1833.



WE feel ourselves bound, not less than inclined, in the hope of seeing justice done to all parties, to insert the following communication, from a highly respected correspondent in Connecticut.

To the Editors of the Colonizationist.

THE first number of your Magazine has made its appearance, containing an extract from some one of the anti-slavery papers, in relation to the Canterbury school; and the Editors of the Colonizationist enquire of the citizens of Canterbury, Are you guilty or not guilty' of the grave charges or insinuations contained in that extract?

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In reply, the citizens of Canterbury would doubtless say, were you to ask them individually or collectively, they are not guilty.' They have already, by their public officers, furnished an account of all that has been done by them, together with their reasons for opposing Miss Crandall's project. They will not now alter this plea-a plea which every tribunal, governed by the principles of justice, will forever sustain. You can at this moment have only a sketch of their objections.

1. Miss Crandall made numerous solemn engagements with the citizens of Canterbury, that if they would aid her in the establishment of a school, she would continue the school for their children. These engagements she has violated without excuse.

2. We do not like her principles, as now promulgated. They are all hostile to the Colonization cause, and she has declared that cause to be a system of fraud from beginning to end.

3. It is, in our view, a money-making affair altogether. Thirty scholars are to pay her three thousand dollars per year, one half of which she says she can save to herself.

4. The citizens of Canterbury object to the bringing into the town large numbers of blacks from other States. Let the candid and impartial reader say, whether it would be agreeable to his feelings to have fifty and perhaps one hundred negresses in the centre of his own village, drawing after them all their associates.

5. Much might be said as to the manner in which this business has been attempted to be forced upon the citizens against their unanimous wishes.

The people of Canterbury do not object to the education of the people of color. To show that this is so, we must recur to facts. It may not be known in other States,—but it is known here,—that

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