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nature were made on him; at one time the
expences of an embassy to Persia; at
another, demands for payment of troops;
the data on which such demands were
made, being avowedly false; the dif-
ferent corps being calculated as complete,
though they were acknowledged not to be
so; and the presence of the corps them-
selves being extremely doubtful. 6. There
is another proceeding which makes a great
figure in these papers, but which, as it
does not finally affect the termination of
the business, I have not insisted on.—I
mean the negotiation set on foot in con-
sequence of a proposal of the nabob to ab-
dicate; of which I shall only say, that
the conduct of lord W. on that occasion,
seems to me altogether such as would have
justified any jealousy of his interference,
and suspicions of his motives, which the
nabob might subsequently appear to have
entertained." After urging all these
points at considerable length, lord Folke-
stone concluded by exhorting the house to
banish from their minds all feelings of
affection and partiality, and do justice be-
tween the parties whoever they might be;
and moved the First of the following 12

let us see how he himself afterwards acted
upon it. By the territorial cession he ob-
tained revenues sufficient to provide pay
for troops kept up to the number so re-
quired; did he then keep them up to that
extent? No; not only did he never send
that number represented by him as abso-
lutely necessary for the defence of Oude;
but on one occasion, when the nabob ex-
pressed a wish that, at least in return for
the sacrifices he was about to make, he
might have the security of such a defence,
lord W. not only resists this demand as
an injurious suspicion of the means of the
Company, but enters into a long argument
to prove that he had no right to expect
such protection. 2. The house will ob-
serve that, by the treaty of 1798, the East
India Company were only entitled to de-
mand security for the future regular pay-
ment of the subsidy, when already fallen
into arrear. The territorial cession was
demanded as such security, but no arrears
having been incurred, the demand was,
by the terms of the treaty, premature and
unjust. 3. It must be observed, that the
demand of territorial cession, to the extent
of one crore and 35 lacks, or 1,620,000l.
was calculated on the concurrence of va-Resolutions: viz.
rious contingencies; the necessity of the
presence of troops to quell the disturbances
supposed likely to arise from the bad police
of the ceded provinces; and to resist the
invasion of Zemaun Shah; but demands
were at the same time urged, which pre-
cluded altogether the necessity of these
payments; in the first place by the treaty
of 1802, the company reserved to them-
selves the right of superintending the
police of the nabob's remaining territo-
ries; and at the time of the signature of
the treaty, not only was there no prospect
of invasion by the Shah, but all future
danger of the kind was removed by his
death and the dismemberment of his do-
minions. 4. It is to be observed, that the
value of the ceded provinces was taken at
a reduced and low rate; that they imme-
diately rose in value, and have regularly
been returned as producing more than the
revenue at which they were estimated; so
that on their own shewing the Bengal go-
vernment have extorted more than, on
their own principle, they had any right to
demand. 5. It should not be omitted that,
during the whole of the negotiations re-
corded in the Oude Papers, not only the
utmost hauteur was constantly employed
towards the nabob, but, at various times,
demands of the most unjust and exorbitant

1. That it appears to this house, that on or about the 21st of Feb. 1798, the nabob, Saadut Ali, ascended the musnud of the province of Oude; and that he then entered into a treaty with the East India Company, whereby it was agreed, that the said Company should defend his territory against all enemies whatsoever, and for this purpose should constantly keep up, in the province, a force of not less than 10,000, nor more than 18,000 men; in return for which defence, the said Company was to receive from him an annual subsidy of 76 lacks of rupees, paid by monthly kists, (or instalments): that in case the defence of the country should at any time demand a greater number of the Company's forces than 18,000 men, the nabob should defray the expence of the difference; that, in case the monthly kists should fall in arrear, the nabob should undertake then to give security for the future payment of the same; that the said nabob should maintain correspondence with no foreign state, unless with the knowledge and consent of the Company: but that he was to be allowed to possess full authority over his household affairs, hereditary dominions, his troops, and his subjects.'

2." That it appears that the nabob's

forces were composed of disorderly troops, | by intreaties and remonstrances to prevent unaccustomed to the rules of good disci- the measure, did at length give a reluctant pline, and disaffected to his person;-that consent to the dismissal of his battalions; the nabob himself was extremely desirous and on the 20th of Feb. 1800, issued orto remedy the defects of their constitution, ders to that effect;-that from that time, and to bring them into good order;-that, so far from creating obstacles or throwing for that purpose, he made frequent appli- difficulties in the way of their dismissal, cations to the government of Bengal, he readily adopted every proposition' through the resident at Lucknow, for ad- made by the resident for that purpose; so vice and assistance in forwarding this ob- that by the month of Dec. 1800, twentyject, and in default of their co-operation, three regular battalions and upwards of did himself adopt such measures as in a short 1,200 horsemen had been discharged." time reduced his different regular battalions to half their complement of men.' "

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6." That it appears, that on or about the 22nd of Jan. 1801, the marquis Wel3. That it appears that the nabob lesley proposed to interfere more activewas scrupulously punctual and regular inly and decidedly in the affairs of the the discharge of the monthly kists (or in-province of Oude;' and that he accordstalments) of the subsidy; and that whilst ingly directed the British resident at he was determined to fulfil with minute Lucknow, to offer to the nabob two pro' regularity the peculiar engagements with positions, either, first, to transfer to the the company, his views were directed to company the exclusive management of the enjoyment of a full authority over the civil and military government of the his houshold affairs, hereditary domi-country;'-or, 2ndly, to cede to the ⚫nions, and subjects, according to the most 'strict interpretation of the clause of the 17th Article of the Treaty executed at

• Lucknow.'

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company in perpetual sovereignty, such a portion of territory as should be fully adequate, in its impoverished condition, to defray the amount of the subsidy to the full extent of the augmented 'force.'

7. That it appears, that the nabob

these proposals; but that he was finally compelled, by threats and menances, to yield a portion of territory of the alledged annual income of one crore and 35 lacks of rupees, in the terms of the second proposition; and furthermore, to bind himself to establish in his remaining dominions, a system of police under the advice and controul of the company's officers, and in all affairs to submit to the opinion of the British resident."

4." That it appears that notwithstanding this good disposition of the nabob, the marquis Wellesley, soon after his arrival in Bengal, formed a plan for the total re-positively and repeatedly rejected both <duction of the troops of the nabob, with the exception of such part as might be necessary for the purposes of state, or ⚫ the collection of revenue;' and, on or about the 5th of Nov. 1799, proceeded to take steps for putting the same into execution;-that, for that express purpose, he ordered troops to march into the territories of the nabob, and to take possession of particular posts in the same; and that he persisted in this measure, though it was not even insinuated that any danger from foreign invasion existed at the time; and, though the late defeat of the pretended Gholaum Hadier had considerably 'weakened the pretexts which his as⚫sembled numbers and first success afforded;' in opposition to the remonstrances and wishes of the nabob, and in direct violation of the spirit and stipulations of the treaty."

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5. That it appears, that the said troops were so marched into the province of Oude, under the belief that the funds of the nabob being insufficient to defray this additional charge, he would be thereby compelled to disband his own troops; that accordingly, about the 18th of Dec. 1799, the nabob having vainly attempted

8." That it appears, that the demand of a territorial cession was made under the pretence of obtaining security for the regular payment of the subsidy; but that the nabob Saadut Ali was always punctual, not only in discharging the monthly kists, but also in satisfying the further demands made upon him on account of the additional troops, and incessant in his applications to the British resident for advice and assistance in providing permanent funds for the payment of the same; and that therefore the said demand of territorial cession was unjust, and in direct violation of the provisions of the treaty."

9. That it appears that, pending the negotiations respecting the territorial cession, demands were urged upon the nabob

for arrears of payment of troops, unjusti- |
fiable in their principle, and exorbitant in
their amount, calculated upon the princi-
ple of including every fixed and con-
tingent expence for buildings, camp equi-
'page, &c.;' and on the supposition
that the corps were complete ; though'
it was confessed that they were not so, and
claimed upon grounds inconsistent with
the true spirit of the treaty."

10. That it appears, that the demand
of territory in perpetual sovereignty, to
the amount of one crore and 35 lacks of
rupees of annual revenue, was exorbitant
and unjust, inasmuch as it was perpetual
possession in annual income to the full
amount of a temporary and occasional de-
mand; and inasmuch as the said tempo-
rary and occasional demand was in part
calculated on the supposition of the neces-
sity of the presence of troops-1st, to
overawe the licentious disposition of the
nabob's battalions, and to repress the dis-
orders arising from the bad police of his
reserved dominions; which necessity was
however removed by the very treaty it-
self, whereby the nabob was bound to
disband all his troops not necessary for
the purposes of state, and of collection
of revenue, and to establish in his re-
served dominions a system of police, un-
der the advice and controul of the com-
pany's officers; and, 2ndly, to defend the
province of Oude against the dangers
arising from the invasion of Zemaun Shah,
though the nabob was at the same time
called upon by the marquis Wellesley, to
defray a proportion of the expences at-
tending the embassy into Persia,' which
had been employed in negociating there
an arrangement to
to prevent any return of
the same danger.'

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11.-"That it appears that the demand of the specific territory of the alledged annual revenue of one crore and 35 lacks of rupees, was exorbitant and unjust; inasmuch as it was capable of immediate increase, and actually did yield, in the year immediately succeeding, the actual revenue of one crore and 57 lacks of rupees; and the settlement thereof for the 3 next succeeding years was at the average annual amount of one crore and 80 lacks of rupees, independent of the profit derivable from the monopoly of salt, estimated at 11 lacks; inasmuch as the said revenue was regularly and progressively increasing from year to year; and inasmuch as Mr. Henry Wellesley, the governor of the ceded provinces, stated, that he had no

doubt, that the settlement of the land revenue for the second period of 3 years would not be less than 2 crores of ru pees;' and that the land revenue of these provinces, when fully cultivated, would amount to two crores and 50 lacks of rupees.'

12. That it appears from the whole of the transactions related in the Papers now under consideration, and from the negotiations carried on by the marquis Wellesley with the nabob Saadut Ali, in the year 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, and 1802, that the said marquis Wellesley, actuated by unjustifiable ambition and love of power, had formed schemes of aggrandizement and acquisition of territory, in direct opposition to the established policy of the East India company;-that he pursued this object by means offensive, and with a spirit irritating to the nabob, with a total disregard of the recorded opinions of this house, and the provisions of two several acts of parliament; and that he finally succeeded in wresting from this unfortunate prince, against his will, a large portion of his territory, and in depriving him of all effective government over the remainder; in direct violation of every principle of good faith, equity, and justice, and in open breach of the sacred obligation of a solemn treaty; and that he has thereby affixed a lasting stigma and reproach on the British name and character, and contributed to destroy all confidence in the moderation, justice, and good faith of the British government in India."

The first Resolution having been read from the Chair,

Mr. Whitshed Keene rose and said :Sir; The noble lord has informed the house, that the Resolutions he has moved, are founded on the information he has drawn from the documents which have been laid before it to illustrate the transactions that took place in the province of Oude, during the administration of lord Wellesley. I by no means agree that those documents bear out these Resolutions, on the contrary, to my conviction they justify the very reverse. But, sir, what has induced me at this moment to obtrude myself on the house, is a persuasion that in order to form a sound opinion on this important subject, it is necessary to go much deeper into it than the noble lord has thought proper to do. I apprehend every gentleman will agree that ascertaining what has been the real relation between the British nation through its represen

tative the India Company and the pro- | vince of Oude, and what are the duties and rights respectively belonging to it and the native chiefs, with whom it has been involved, since it was forced to emerge into a territorial from being a mercantile concern, ought to save much time, as whatever may be said which does not apply to these relations may be very good declamation, but is not argument. Appeals to its humanity and justice have always, and I trust ever will be favourably received, but when those appeals are made, it becomes the good sense of this house to examine carefully the grounds, least their heads should be the dupes of their hearts, and intending humanity and justice should produce results directly opposite. I conceive for this salutary purpose it is necessary to trace the origin and progress of the British connections in India, and knowing the apathy this house, unfortunately for the publick, has shewn on those subjects, I shall take up as little of its time, as the nature of that investigation will admit. As anonymous, and unacknowledged publications, bold assertions gratuitously advanced in this house or out of this house, can have no effect on its good sense, I beg leave to state that the opinions I entertain on this great subject are drawn from the series of facts recorded by Mr. Orme in his history of the wars sustained by the British company and nation in Bengal and the Carnatick, and from Mr. Verelst's account of the rise and progress of the British company in Bengal. The works of these two gentlemen having been before the public 50 years, and having been stamped with the character of truth and impartiality by a great majority of the principal actors in those scenes and of their successors, I conceive, will be admitted indisputable authority; it is to be regretted, that with their means and talents they did not continue their labours to a later period. It appears from their authorities that while the Mogul government retained its vigour, the vassal chiefs styled nabobs, were appointed only to enforce the orders from Delhi, that the places called fortresses in those districts were intrusted to killedars or governors independent of the nabob, that the collection of the revenues was in the hands of officers called dewans, alike independent of him, that his emoluments arose from a jaghire or assignment in some other district with which he had no other connection, and that it had been the con

stant policy of the mogul, to remove nabobs so frequently, in order to prevent their acquiring hold in their districts, that Mr. Orme tells us, one of them going from Delhi, rode with his face towards the horse's tail, saying he looked out for his successor. On the decline of the Mogul empire from the contests amongst the successors of Aurengzebe, and after its being completely broke down by the invasion of Nadir Shaw, who carried away 100 millions sterling from Delhi and massacred 100,000 of its inhabitants, the power of coercing the several provinces and districts which composed the vast mass of the Mogul empire, no longer existing, they fell into the hands of those chiefs whom a modern periodical reviewer has emphatically and truly described as victorious assassins, consummate traitors, and experienced robbers more skilled in breaking than in making treaties, and less formidable from their swords than their daggers. And after a disgusting repetition of assassinations, poisonings, and putting out of eyes, the boldest and most fortunate having the power of the sword in their hands, and no superior sword to control them, assumed all those powers which under the mogul had been studiously kept separate and declared their possessions hereditary. As long as the Mogul empire continued in vigour, a British factory at Calcutta carried on a profitable mercantile concern, in consequence of valuable privileges conceded in return for important medical relief rendered to the mogul and the nabob of Bengal by superior European skill, After its decline, during the progress of the subsequent transactions, the British factory, notwithstanding frequent exactions of the chiefs, still carried on a valuable commerce in conse. quence of the privileges that were left to them. But on the accession of a ferocious youth to the succession of a victorious assassin and consummate traitor, who not many years before became nabob of Bengal, the opinion of the opulence of the British factory roused his avarice, and with a mighty rabble he invested Calcutta. After a feeble attempt to defend the settlement, the greatest number of the Europeans sheltered themselves on board their ships, and about 150 remained in the fort. In a few days those in the fort surrendered on capitulation for their lives; but this ferocious youth disappointed in what he found in the settlement, ordered them to be confined, with the view of ex

this defeat the mogul separated his interests from those of the nabob, and put himself under the protection of the company at Benares. Meer Jaffier was again placed on the musnud, not without marks of gratitude to his restorers. Things continued sometime in this situation, and an account of the confusion which prevailed in Bengal, being sent to England, the company induced lord Clive to return there as best qualified, from the well earned authority acquired by his former conduct, to restore order. Before he arrived, the nabob vizier being joined by a Mahratta force in addition to what he could raise in Oude, thought himself able to attain what he had in view, and in opposition to the mandate of the mogul, who continued under British protection, prepared to attack them. On this the mogul declared him deposed from the vizcerat, and by a treaty with the company assigned him certain parts of the province of Oude. The British army advanced, and attacking the nabob's confederate forces at Calpy, defeated and dispersed them, taking the nabob Soujah Dowlah prisoner, and the whole province was in their power. In this posture of affairs lord Clive arrived, and from the view he took of the financial and military resources of the company at that time, judging it unsafe and impolitic to retain any accession of territory, he prevailed on the mogul to re-establish the nabob, who had been two months prisoner in the British camp, in the province of Oude and the vizcerat, under the protection of the company, who consented to withdraw their troops on the payment of 50 lacks of rupees as reimbursement of the expences of the war, and bouud themselves to de

torting treasure which he imagined they | had concealed, about 147 were forced into a dungeon for the night 20 feet square, out of which the following morning 26 were brought out alive. When an account of this desperate state of the British interests in Bengal, was brought to Madras, which was then the superior presidency, they determined to divert a force, which had been prepared for another purpose, to the attempt to relieve Bengal. Fortunately for his country a man who had distinguished himself by repeated military and political talents, was selected for the command, and col. Clive, was sent with it. With this force and the cordial and gallant co-operation of admiral Watson with the British squadron, they forced the nabob's numberless rabble to evacuate the settlement, and following them in their retreat, after a fruitless negotiation with the nabob, but securing the cooperation of Meer Jaffier, one of the chiefs who knew he was destined to destruction by the nabob, col. Clive attacked with his trifling force 30 times their number at Plassy, and having effected a compleat deroute thereof, he advanced to Muxadabad the capital, and placed Meer Jaffier on the musnud with the general acquiescence of the natives, who accustomed to be equally oppressed by all their chiefs cared not who was placed there. This observation seems necessary in order to account for the ease with which those rapid changes of chiefs take place in that country. After remaining some time longer in Bengal, and having settled as he thought its government, he returned to Europe. Not long after discontents and distrusts arose between this nabob Meer Jaffier and the council at Calcutta, which produced his re-fend the province in case of attack with moval and placing his relative Cossem Ally Khan in his room. This change was attended with large emoluments to the members of the said council. The same discontents and jealousies arising from pretensions mutually disallowed inflamed this nabob, who was more ferocious than his predecessor to the degree of assassinating some of the company's servants at Patna. To avenge which the company's troops advanced, and defeating the nabob's army drove him out of the country. He took refuge with the nabob vizier of Oude, who pretending to restore him, but really meaning to possess himself of Bengal, collected, under the authority of the degraded mogul, a large force which was defeated and dispersed by the company's troops at Buxar. After

their whole force should it be necessary, the expence of the same to be defrayed by the nabob. From these facts it appears, that the province by right of conquest belonged to the company that from prudential motives alone lord Clive, with that decision and sagacity which marked his military and political life, declined retaining any part of the province under the junnud of the mogul, and in lieu thereof accepted the dewanny of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa. As he had laid the foundation of the British power in that country by the victory at Plassey, by this measure he gave it such stamina, that the abuses and misrule which prevailed there for some years, after he quitted the country, were not able to destroy it. And here, sir, I

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