defer, though he could not give his pri-lord Teignmouth (then sir John Shore) vate assent to it. That resolution went to between Saadut Ali, Nabob of Oude, and vindicate the conduct of the noble mar- the English East India Company, the anquis, upon the ground that he was actuated nual subsidy of 56 lacks 77,638 rupees, by an ardent zeal for the public service, then payable by the said nabob to the and for the interests of his country. But said East India Company, was increased no man had ventured or could attempt to the annual sum of 76 lacks, to be paid to deny, that the Nabob of Oude had been by monthly kists of instalments: that the treated with a degree of tyranny, oppres- nabob, by the said Treaty of 1798, agrees sion, cruelty, and injustice, almost without to exert his utmost endeavours to disparallel, and which no conduct on his part charge the stipulated kists with punctuality, deserved; and that he had been forcibly but if, contrary to the sincere intentions deprived of one half of his territory, with- of the said nabob, the payment of the kists out even the semblance of justice. In should fall into arrears, the said nabob violation of all principle, he was forced Saadut Ali engages and promises that he to sign a treaty in 1801, totally different will then give such security to the Comfrom that in 1798, and was plundered pany for the discharge of the existing arof his property, in defiance of every rears, and the future regular payment of principle of national justice. It was, the kists, as shall be deemed satisfactory; therefore, but an act of common equity, that by the said Treaty it was also agreed, that the British parliament should make that all transactions between the two some recompence to that prince. The States, shall be carried on with the greatDirectors of the East India Company est cordiality and harmony on both sides,' themselves, having perused the documents and the said nabob shall possess full aurespecting this affair, were so impressed thority over his household affairs, herediwith a sense of the sufferings and oppres- tary dominions, his troops, and his subsions heaped upon this unfortunate prince, jects.' 2. That the Court of Directors of the that they had come to a resolution, that said East India Company did approve compensation ought to be made to him; of the said Treaty of 1798, and in May but the proposition was defeated by the 1799 declared it to be an arrangement Board of Controul, under the influence redounding highly to the honour of lord of the noble lord opposite (lord Castle- Teignmouth, who negotiated it, likely reagh), who acted on that occasion in vio- to operate to the reciprocal advantage of lation of the principles of justice, and the the Company and the nabob vizier ;' and honour and character of the British go- that the affairs of Oude were thus settled vernment. When two authorities in the in a manner which bids fair to be persame branch of government, like the manent.' 3. That by a Treaty concluded Court of Directors and the Board of Con- in 1801 by the marquis Wellesley, then troul, were at variance upon a point so governor general of India, the said Saadut highly interesting to the character of the Ali cedes to the East India Company in British government, he thought that house perpetual sovereignty a portion of his was the proper tribunal to decide the territory, amounting in the gross yearly question. The noble lord considered this revenue (as is stated in the said Treaty) to transaction as paralleled only by the late one crore and 35 lacks of rupees, in lieu outrage on Copenhagen. He read a va- of the stipulated subsidy, and agrees to adriety of extracts from the Oude Papers, mit the troops of the said Company to be comprehending the several treaties from stationed in such parts of his remaining 1793 to 1801; and also letters from lord territory as shall appear to their goWellesley to the resident at Lucknow for vernment most expedient, and always to the time being, and the answers of such advise with, and act in conformity to, Resident; from these he argued at length, the counsel of the officers of the said on the impolicy, injustice, cruelty, and Company. 4. That the annual Reveoppression practised against the nabob, nues of the said Ceded Provinces were contrary to the faith of treaties which had estimated by Mr. Henry Wellesley (the been approved by the East India Com- lieut. governor) in the year immediately pany, and for which he thought the Nabob succeeding the said Treaty of 1801, at upentitled to compensation. The noble lord wards of 1 crore and 56 lacks of rupees: concluded by moving the following Reso- that a settlement thereof was made for the lutions: "1. That it appears to this house, 3 years next ensuing, at the annual revethat by the Treaty concluded in 1798 by nue of one crore and 73 lacks for the first,

to that of their old masters. This could not be done, he was sure, without exciting much discontent, and, perhaps, not without considerable resistance on their part. If the noble lord meant that the compensation should be made in the form of sub

pre

one crore and 80 lacks for the second, and one crore and 88 lacks for the third (independent of the profit derivable from a monopoly of salt estimated at eleven lacks); and that the said Mr. Henry Wellesley, lieut. governor, stated, that he had no doubt that the settlement of the Land Re-sidy, he ought to have stated the mode venue for the second period of 3 years, of doing it, and to have shewn himself would not be less than two crores of ru-pared to solve all the difficulties which pees, and that the Land Revenue of the must present themselves to every one as Provinces when fully cultivated would to the manner of giving effect to his Resoamount to two crores and fifty lacks of ru- sultion. The noble lord had not gone into pees,' which is nearly double the amount any detail to prove that the nabob had of subsidy payable by the nabob under been called upon to contribute more than the former Treaty of 1798. 5. That the he was bound to do by the treaty of 1798; said nabob Saadut Ali did positively and but, he was ready to contend, that the narepeatedly reject and resist the said Cession bob had not been obliged to contribute Treaty of 1801, during a negociation pro- more than under that treaty he would have tracted for many months; and that it was been bound to do, when the number of not till a declaration was made to him, in troops employed upon his frontier was the most explicit terms, that in case of his taken into consideration, Upon these refusal it was the resolution of the British grounds, therefore, he should feel it his government to assume the entire civil and duty to move the previous question upon military government of the province of all the Resolutions but the last, which Oude, that his assent was obtained. 6. called for a revision of a treaty that had That the British government in India are the sanction of the Commissioners for the bound in honour, in justice, and policy, to Affairs of India, and this he was prepared reconsider and revise the above-mentioned to meet with a direct negative. Treaty of 1801, in order to ascertain whether it will not admit of such modification as may ultimately prove more satisfactory to the nabob of Oude, and at the same time be productive of reciprocal advantage to his highness and the Company."

Mr. R. Dundas said, that he was surprised that the house should now be called upon to discuss the same question which had been already decided on, by a resolution, in which the last resolution of the noble lord was not only negatived, but on which the house pronounced an opinion, approving of lord Wellesley's administration. He should, therefore, do little more than refer the noble lord to that decision, convinced, that were he now to go over again the arguments formerly adduced, he should be trespassing unnecessarily upon the time and patience of the house. Were the house of commons now to agree to the noble lord's resolutions, they would contradict their own decision. The noble lords did not shew, in any part of his speech, how this inconsistency could be avoided. The noble lord had not stated to the house how he intended that the nabob should be indemnified. If he meant that the territory which had been taken from him should be restored, he would find it very difficult to transfer the people of India from the governor of the East India Company

Mr. H. Martin took a view of the state of the parties in 1801, and of the circumstances which led to the treaty. He contended, that there was not the smallest ground at that time for the interference of the governor-general in the affairs of the nabob, who had religiously observed all the stipulations of the treaty concluded in 1798, by sir John Shore. He expected, at least, that some necessity for the violation of this treaty would have been attempted to be established; but no such attempt had been made, and it appeared to be infringed merely to give effect to a system of aggrandisement which lord Wellesley had adopted, and was determined at all events to pursue. The kists were not even in arrear, and the company had derived all the advantage from the treaty of 1798 that ever was expected from it. It was said, indeed, that by this treaty the nabob would have contributed as much as he did at present. But, in answer to this he stated, that the company were obliged to keep up a force of not less than 11, and not more than 13,000 troops for 75 lacs of rupees, to be paid by the nabob; and till the subsidy was refused to be paid, which it never was, we certainly had no right whatever to seize upon his territory. We were called upon to consult the feelings of the natives of

India, but we ought also to consider what | support, if I govern ill, use it against me.' must have been their feelings on seeing a So it was with the people of India; if we solemn treaty so unnecessarily and wan- governed them with justice and moderatonly violated. And when it was stated, tion we may expect their support, but if that the country was in such a state of we oppress and tyrannize over them we disorder, that all sorts of crimes were com- must expect revolt and resistance. The mited with impunity, it ought also to be hon. gent. denied that the treaty had ever shewn, that the security of the British go- been approved of by the court of directors, verment in India was endangered by for it was one of their grounds of comthese disorders. He concluded by declar-plaint that the treaty had never been subing his intention to support the Resolu-mitted to the court. All that he indivitions of his noble friend.

was pleaded, I did expect that reasons of an over-ruling nature, some imminent danger, some instant cause of apprehension, admitting of no debate, would have been stated to palliate at least, if not to justify the atrocious cruelty, the injustice, and the indignities more galling than injustice, with which the nabob of Oude, as well as many other Indian princes, have been treated. Instead of such a case made out or even alledged, what has the President of the Board of Controul advanced? Why, first he glanced at the supposition of an invasion of Oude by Zemaun Shah, and, in glancing at it only, I confess he has shewn his discretion. Why, sir, at the very period allotted to this pretended invasion, Zemaun Shah was in his grave. Lord Wellesley in his letter of Jan. 1, 1802, says to the Directors, "The danger of invasion from Candahar is entirely removed by the destruction of the power of Zemaun Shah, and by the actual state of his dominions; while our north-western frontier has been considerably strengthened by the recent arrangements effected in Oude." The arrangements alluded to consisted of nothing but the exaction of money and territory from the nabob, contrary to the most solemn treaties, and in violation not only of every principle of good faith but of common humanity; and for what purpose? To provide against a danger, which was entirely removed, if ever it existed. But the hon. President says, The French were in Alexandria;' and this was another necessity for taxing the nabob of Oude. My conviction is, that, if they had remained in undisturbed possession of Alexandria to the present day, they could not have invaded India from that quarter, nor did they ever intend it. They had no fleet or transports in the Red Sea, nor had they the means or materials for building ships there, or to find provisions or even fresh water at Suez, equal to so great an embarkation, and so long a voyage, of which the navigation for a fleet from Suez to the Indian sea is perhaps the most difficult and dangerous in the world. And even then, unless the French could obtain a naval superiority in the Indian seas, how could they possibly get to India from Egypt? The hon. President seems averse to further discussion on the profest principle of lord Wellesley's conduct. Perhaps he will have no objection to answer a few questions upon the effect of it. What has been gained by these acts of injustice and oppression? Look at the result VOL. X.

of all these frauds and cruelties, which are called policy; see into what a situation they have brought you at last. Have you extended your dominions? Yes, in violation of the resolutions of this house, confirmed and made law by two acts of parliament. You have a frontier, which you cannot defend, and you have alienated the affections of the native powers, who wait only for an opportunity to make you feel their hatred, and I am afraid that issue will be tried at no very distant period. In the mean time, what profit have you derived from this boasted increase of your dominions? Your establishments have grown much faster than even your territory; with all your immense acquisitions, with all your subsidiary treaties, with the Mysore, the Decan, the Carnatic and Oade, with four kingdoms added to your possessions, your annual expences exceed your revenues by two millions and a half. Not a rupee in your treasury at Calcutta, at Fort St. George, or Bombay; in general circulation, nothing but paper, and thus, sir, have, all those extortions, which are termed policy, ended in your own beggary. I state the general effect of the policy I allude to, as embracing all India. The treatment of the nabob of Oude is a sample of that policy, and a striking example of its effect.-But perhaps it may be said, that this commercial sovereign, the India Company, though not very wise or fortunate in the exercise of their sovereignty, have been prudent and successful in their character of merchants? In an evil hour for themselves, they departed from the only occupation it was possible for them to understand. Look at their situation in Leaden-Hall Street. There you see them overwhelmed with debts, and in arrear to government even for the duties on their teas, the only article they can sell; loaded with enormous establishments, which it is impossible for them to defray otherwise than by running more and more into debt, and with a multitude of other demands upon them, active and growing every day, and against which they have nothing to set up but an accumulation of dead or dormant property, locked up and rotting in their warehouses for want of a sale; which does not however prevent their constantly taking up more and more ships at an intolerable expence of freight and charges, to bring home more cargoes of the same quality, and to take away all chance or even the possibility of selling what they have already in England. Add 40

therefore I shall be ready to support this and every other measure, that may tend to retrieve the national character in the eyes of the natives.

1

The question was then loudly called for, and a division took place. For the first Resolution 20; For the previous question 80; Majority 60. Strangers were not readmitted before the adjournment. The previous question was carried upon all the other Resolutions but the last, which was negatived without a division.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, April 1.

The Duke of Norfolk, after referring to the fate of the Offices in Reversion bill, presented a Petition from the lord mayor, aldermen, and common council of the city of London, expressive of their regret, that the bill which had this salutary object in view, should have been defeated, and praying that steps might be taken for carrying into effect a Bill so necessary under the present circumstances of the country. Ordered to lie on the table.

to all this, that every shilling of their capital is gone. And will this house neyer ask, by whose fraud or misconduct, by whose treachery or whose folly, all this mass of mischief has accumulated? Have we been taken by surprise? Have the India Company till very lately been quite unaware of their situation? Has no warning voice been heard in this house? Have no powerful appeals been made to the public in writing on this subject? Yes, sir, some of the worthy directors have now and then gently hinted at the mismanagement of their governments, and at the misconduct of their servants in India, over whom they had no controul. But these intimations were rare and feeble, in comparison with the information given us by an hon. friend of mine (Sir Philip Francis) who is no longer a member of this house. From year to year as the mischiefs increased his speeches kept pace with them. From year to year, I might almost say from day to day, his talents and his industry were employed in exposing the fatal folly of that destructive system, which has been adopted by your government in India, and encouraged and protected in England, and the ruinous consequences which would result from it. His performance of this invidious duty was not confined to his speeches here. His writings addressed to Friday, April 1. the public predicted every thing that has [MINUTES.] Mr. Bankes reported, happened; writings, sir, as remarkable for from the Committee appointed to try and the clearness, the purity, and precision of determine the merits of the Petitions comtheir style, as they are for the comprehen-plaining of an undue Election and return sive knowledge they contain of the subjects on which they treated; and I believe, sir, it would be as difficult to find a person, who has displayed in your Indian affairs more ability, more perseverance, and more integrity, as it would be to find another instance of a man, who has deserved more of his country, and whose merits have been so ill rewarded, as those of the hon. gent. I allude to.- Now, sir, on a full consideration of the injustice which has marked the conduct of the noble lord in Oude, the harshness with which the nabob has been treated, and the cruel circumstances of galling aggravation with which it has been accompanied, and above all, sir, on the effect which it has produced in the minds of the native powers in India, I feel entirely disposed to agree with the noble lord who has brought forward this motion, for every reparation or restitution which the circumstances of the case will admit of.The security of the British dominion in India depends greatly on opinion, and

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

for the county of Sussex, that John Fuller, esq. had been duly elected, and that the petitions were not frivolous nor vexatious.-The bill for preventing the grant of Places in Reversion, for a time to be limited, was read a second time.

PETITION FROM LONDON, RESPECTING THE OFFICES IN REVERSION BILL.] The Sheriffs of London presented to the house, a Petition of the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of London, in common council assembled, setting forth, "That the petitioners have, during a long course of public events, productive of so many calamities, patiently submitted to unexampled burthens, and are still ready to make such further sacrifices as may be necessary for maintaining the honour and independence of the realm; and that these burthens have been considerably augmented by gross abuses in the management and expenditure of the public money, and by a profusion of sinecure places and pensions, which have not only greatly added to the