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Russia against that treaty, and even at the
time the seizure of the Danish fleet was
known at Petersburgh, the emperor of
Russia seemed more disposed than before
to renew his relations with this country.—
As to all that had been urged against the
Orders in Council, and against the dispute
with America, those were questions hé
should not now enter into. While nego-
ciation with America was pending, it was
doubtless better to abstain from any dis-
cussion that would only tend more to in-
flame the minds of the two countries.-He
lamented the uncalled-for mention of the
state of Ireland. The concessions alluded
to by the noble baron could not now be
thought of. Indeed, even if those con-
cessions were made, still greater ones
would be called for, and there would be no
end to such demands. He had made it
his business to trace the evil in Ireland to
its remotest source; and he was convinced
that the concessions alluded to would not
quiet the people of that country
for one
single month.

formation there would be an end of all
confidence, and at this time, when Europe
was under the controul of France, the lives
of individuals, friendly to this country,
would inevitably fall a sacrifice. There were,
however, facts in corroboration, which
proved that his majesty's ministers did re-
ceive private information of the nature al-
luded to, and no statement appeared, even in
the papers published by order of the French
government, to contradict the assertion.
That information was corroborated by a
variety of other channels wholly uncon-
nected with each other. It was corrobo-
rated by the testimony of the government
of Portugal, to whom it was proposed to
make common
cause with the continent
against England, and to unite their fleet
with that of Spain, of France, and of Den-
mark, to enable the confederacy to make
a general attack upon these islands. It was
corroborated by the testimony of differ-
ent persons in Ireland, where, strange to
say, all the designs and projects of the
enemy were most speedily known, and
where it was promised that the combined The Earl of Buckinghamshire said, he
fleets of Spain, Portugal, and Denmark, gave the noble lord credit for the truth of
would make a descent both on Ireland the information he had received, but he had
and this country. Nay, what was more, not seen any document to prove that Den-
not only were these means pointed out to mark was in league with France, or that
the disaffected in Ireland, but they were, the Danish fleet was to be employed by
moreover, made acquainted with the the enemy. He referred to Mr. Pitt's
period of time when the design was to be opinions respecting the rights of indepen-
carried into execution. As to the inten-dent states, and contended, that that great
tions of Denmark towards this country,
as little doubt could be entertained. It
was now well known, that Denmark, upon
a comparison of the inconveniences that
would result from a rupture with this
country and with France, was of opinion
that the disadvantages of a war with
France would be less than those of a war
with England; and, as to the state of
forward preparation of her fleet, certain
circumstances appeared to our naval offi-
cers, which proved to them that the fleet
was intended soon to put to sea.-Now,
as to the question, why we did not also
attack the Russian fleet, there were abun-
dant reasons for not doing it. Was it
wished that we should have proceeded to
Cronstadt and seize the Russian fleet,
while we left the Danish fleet of 16 sail
of the line behind us? The Russian fleet,
besides, was not so ready for sea, nor so
well calculated in any respect as the Da-
nish fleet to carry the designs of the
enemy into execution. Moreover, there
were many circumstances in the Treaty
of Tilsit which indisposed the people of

statesman would never have countenanced such a proceeding as the attack upon Denmark.

The Earl of Lauderdale considered it an extraordinary mode of endeavouring to procure unanimity, by withholding all documents, if there were any that could give authenticity to the statement of ministers. Why were not the Secret Articles of the Treaty of Tilsit produced? It would not be necessary to give the names of the persons who communicated to ministers their information; but, if it existed, surely they might give the information itself to the house. The fact was, however, that the Treaty of Tilsit had nothing to do with the attack upon Copenhagen. That treaty was concluded in July; the attack on Copenhagen took place early in August, and the Expedition must have been at least some weeks in preparation. With respect to the stores said to have been collecting at Copenhagen, it was well known, that the Danish government annually expended a certain sum in laying in naval stores, but not more this year

than usual. The Danish fleet was far from being well equipped, even when sent over here. But the Danes were said to be in hostility with us. Surely, when we attacked a man's property, we had no right to consider it as an aggression that he endeavoured to repel us. The noble lord then took a view of the conduct of ministers with regard to Portugal. He thought the flattering prospects held out respecting the trade to the Brazils extremely delusive, and observed, that notwithstanding the secret understanding which ministers pretended they had with Portugal, the Prince Regent would have remained at Lisbon, had not an article appeared in the Moniteur stating that the House of Braganza had " ceased to reign." The late Orders of Council he declared to be highly unconstitutional, as they confiscated property, and dispensed with the Navigation Act, without the authority of parliament.

Lord Mulgrave said, that ministers never pretended to have possession of any Secret Articles of the Treaty of Tilsit; but they were possessed of secret projects and agreements entered into at Tilsit. With regard to Portugal, he assured the noble earl, that there was not only an understanding with that power, but that a secret treaty had been concluded between his majesty and the Prince Regent. The only reason why that treaty was not laid on the table was, that it contained an artiele, stipulating that it should not be made public without the consent of both the contracting parties. He could not communicate it until that authority was given. -The motion for the amendment moved by the duke of Norfolk was then put and negatived.

Lord Grenville rose to move another amendment. The address implied an approbation of the rejection of the offered mediation of Russia. Instead of which he proposed to insert words, which would have the effect of stating, that their lordships could not but feel that their approbation must depend upon the circumstances of the case; and that they therefore could not express any opinion upon the subject, until the necessary information was submitted to them. This amendment was put, and also negatived without a division. The original Address was then agreed to, and ordered to be presented to his majesty in the

usual form.

[PROTEST AGAINST THE SEIZURE OF THE DANISH FLEET.] A motion was made to

omit the fourth paragraph in the motion. for an Address to the Throne (viz. the paragraph respecting the Seizure of the Danish Fleet), and the question being put, "That the said paragraph do stand part of the motion," the same was carried in the affirmative.

"DISSENTIENT,-Because no proof of hostile intention on the part of Denmark has been adduced, nor any case of necessity made out, to justify the attack upon Copenhagen, without which, the measure is, in our conception, discreditable to the character and injurious to the interests of this Country.

W. FREDERICK, VASSAL HOLLAND,
RAWDON,
NORFOLK,
SIDMOUTH.

LAUDERDALE, GREY,

"DISSENTIENT, for the above reasons, and for those that follow:-Because, It has only been through the slow and painful progression of many ages, that civilized nations have emerged from a state of continual insecurity and violence, by the establishment of an universal public law, whose maxims and precedents have been long acknowledged to be of the same force and obligation, as the municipal constitutions of particular states. A system which has gradually ripened with the advancement of learning and the extension of commerce, and which ought to be held sacred and inviolate by all governments, as binding the whole civilized world under one politic and moral dominion.-Because, Alleged departures from the principles and authority of this public law, in the earliest stages of the French Revolution, were held out by the parliament of Great Britain, as the origin and justification of the first war with revolutionary France, and because in all its subsequent stages, the continuance of hostilities was uniformly vindicated in various acts of state, as being necessary for the support of the moral and political order of the world, against the avowed disregard and subversion of it by the different governments of France, in their groundless and unprovoked attacks upon the independence of unoffending nations.-Because, The people of G. Britain, on being repeatedly called upon by the King and Parliament to support the public law, thus alleged to have been violated, and to exhibit an example to the most distant ages, of inflexible national virtue, submitted to the heaviest burdens, and sacrificed the most essential advantages, rather than consent to any

peace, which was considered by their go- had been lost by a contempt of its domivernment as an abandonment of their nion.-Because, information of a projected allies, or as an inadequate security for the confederacy between France and Denrights and privileges of other nations: and mark, assumed, without evidence, to have` because it appears in many State Papers, been communicated to ministers through during the progress of the wars with the channels which called, on their parts, for different governments of France, that it inviolable secrecy, might be a foundation was the duty and the interest of G. Britain, for acquitting them from blame, if the and her pledge to the world, to maintain question before the house had been the inviolate the acknowledged principles of propriety of their acquittal or condempublic law, as the only foundations upon nation, yet it cannot possibly justify, in which the relations of peace and amity the absence of all proof, an address to his between nations could be supported.--Be- majesty, pronouncing their attack upon cause, It is the first and most indispensable Copenhagen to be an act of indispensable maxim of public law, founded indeed upon duty; because, giving credit to the declathe immutable principles of justice, that rations of ministers, that they had inforno violence should be offered by one state mations of such projected confederacy, it is to another, nor any intrusion made upon impossible for this house to know whether the rights, property, independence or se- they ought to have been acted upon to so curity of its inhabitants, except upon an dreadful an extent, without having before aggression by such state, and the refusal it, most precisely and distinctly, the speof adequate satisfaction; or in the rare cific nature of such communications, so as instance of indispensable necessity, involv- to be able to estimate the credit due to ing national destruction, such as in the them, not only from the facts themselves, case of an individual would justify homi- but from the situations and characters of cide, or destruction of property for self the persons by whom they were made.— preservation and because the observ- The conduct, besides, of ministers, in the ance of this rule should, if possible, be whole transaction, is in manifest opposiheld more sacred by great and powerful tion to this principle of the attack. They nations, it being the very end and object made no such charge upon Denmark when of universal law, to give perfect security before Copenhagen, nor even pretended to to the weakest communities under the have invaded her with a cause of war. shadow of an impartial justice. Because, Their language upon the spot, and even in The late attack upon Copenhagen, in a the Address proposed to his majesty, is the season of profound peace with the crown language of regret, a language utterly and people of Denmark, and immediately inconsistent with the vindication of a profollowing the solemn Declaration by the ceeding, which would have been as mild Crown Prince, of his resolution to main- and forbearing against an enemy, as it was tain his neutrality, and to consider any barbarous and treacherous against a friend. nation as an enemy which should seek to The position also of Denmark, when the disturb it, would, without some just cause, assault was made upon her, is the strongest which in this case is wholly unsupported evidence to resist the presumption of an by proof, be a most manifest and unprin- understanding with France. Her army cipled departure from the whole system of was in Holstein, which France was memoral policy and justice, which the Bri-nacing, whilst Zealand was left defenceless, tish Government had, as above, professed to act upon, inasmuch as any contempt or violation of public law by the Government of France, though it might release Great Britain from all observance of it, as far as regarded such offending belligerent, could not possible destroy or affect its protective sanctions in her intercourses with friendly and peaceable states. On the contrary, it ought to have invested the Law of Nations with a more binding and sacred obligation, since the professed object and justification of our war with France at that very moment was to restore to a suffering world the good faith and security which VOL. X.

and the ships dismantled, at a moment when the consciousness of a treaty or confederacy must have suggested to all the confederating parties, the necessity of concentrating the whole force of Denmark, to defend her capital, and to secure her fleet.

Because, no evidence whatever has been laid before the house, to establish any hostile confederacy between Denmark and France, nor any design on the part of the former to depart from the strictest neutrality; on the contrary, the above-mentioned solemn declaration of the Crown Prince to the British minister ought to have been received by his majesty's servants as

"ERSKINE."

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

the pledge of a firm resolution to maintain | receive vindication by proof of its justice, neutrality; and because nothing short of or condemnation, in the absence of it, from a hostile design in the government of the parliament of G. Britain, she has lost Denmark could justify the demand of her moral station in the world, since the her fleet, or the bombardment of Copen- very system of wrong and violence, which hagen, to enforce the surrender of it.- she has so long confederated Europe to Because, It was completely in the power destroy, at the expence of her blood and of G. Britain to have protected the Danish resources, will have been established and fleet from any hostile attack of France, confirmed by her own example.—Because, which destroys the pretence of such an A whole nation ought not in the mean time indispensable necessity as could alone jus- to be dishonoured, nor its immemorial chatify even the slightest trespass upon a racteristic brought into question for the peaceable and unoffending state. Because, acts of ministers; and because it is the Still assuming, in the absence of all evi- duty of those subjects, who, by the condence to the contrary, that the government stitution of the government, have the high of Denmark was faithful to her neutrality, privilege of perpetuating their sentiments no speculation of the probable fall of her upon the public records of their country, fleet into the possession or power of France, to vindicate themselves from the impucould possibly justify its hostile seizure by tation of having acquiesced in acts of the G. Britain. Such a principle would be greatest injustice. utterly subversive of the first elements of public law, as being destructive of the independence of weaker states, inasmuch as it would create a jurisdiction in the stronger nations to substitute their own security and convenience for the general rule, and invest them also with the sole privilege of determining the occasions upon which they might consider them to be endangered; and because to justify the attack and plunder of a weak unoffending power, upon the assumption that a stronger belligerent might otherwise attack and plunder her, would be to erect a new public law upon the foundations of dishonour and violence, making the tyranny of one nation a warrant for substituting the dominion of oppression for the sacred obligations of morality, humanity, and justice. Because, supposing it to have been not only probable, but even certain, that France could have succeeded in carrying away in the winter the ships and stores from Copenhagen, but without the consent of Denmark, faithful to her neutrality, the iniquity of that act, in sound policy, independently of all considerations of justice, ought to have been left to the French Government to perpetrate; because the carcases of the ships would have been the only fruit of an act of the deepest atrocity, whilst the indignation of a brave and generous people, now too justly directed against G. Britain, would then have been pointed against France; and Denmark, with the protection of our fleets, might have kept open the Baltic to our commerce, and extended our maritime means of restoring the tranquillity of the world.-Because, Until this attack upon Copenhagen shali

Thursday, January 21, 1808. The house met this day for the dispatch of business. At three o'clock, Mr. Quarme, yeoman usher of the black rod, appeared within the bar, and informed the house that the lords, authorized by virtue of his majesty's commission, desired the immediate attendance of the house, in the house of peers, to hear the commission read. The Speaker, accompanied by several members, accordingly attended. On their return, the Speaker took the chair, and acquainted the house, that in pursuance of the provisions of an act of the 24th of his present majesty, he had ordered writs to be issued for the election of members for the following places: Beaumaris, in the room of lord Newborough, deceased: Lincoln, in the room of colonel Monson, deceased: Tavistock, in the room of lord viscount Howick, now earl Grey: the county of Monaghan, in the room of R. Dawson, esq. deceased; and the county of Donnegal, in the room of H. V. Brooke, esq. deceased.The Clandestine Outlawry bill was, according to custom, read a first, and ordered to be read a 2nd time.-New writs were ordered as follow: For the borough of Mitchel, in the room of G. G. Mills, esq. who had accepted the Chiltern Hundreds for Whitchurch, in the room of the hon. W. Broderick, who had accepted the office of one of the lords commissioners of the treasury: for Stamford, in the room of general Leland, deceased; and for Clithero, in the room of the hon. J. Cust, now lord Brownlow.

[THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS' SPEECH.] | liberty, for the happiness, for the preThe Speaker acquainted the house that eminence which we enjoyed; to be thankthat house had been in the house of ful, that instead of our means having been peers, where the lord chancellor, one of impaired by our difficulties, they had, on the lords authorized by his majesty's com- the contrary, increased with them, and mission, had read a most gracious speech had been cemented by the very circumfrom his majesty, of which, to prevent stances which were projected for their demistakes, he had obtained a copy.-He struction. Great Britain at the present then proceeded to read the Speech from moment exhibited the astonishing spectathe chair, for which we refer to our report cle of a country, which, at the end of 15 of the proceedings of the lords, see p. 1. years war with a most powerful antagonist, After the Speaker had finished the Speech, had gained every thing, and lost nothing. Viscount Hamilton (son of the marquis Every where we had inflicted blows on of Abercorn) rose to move the Address. our enemy; no where had we received His lordship began by observing, that he a blow from him. Our commerce had would not waste the time of the house, by flourished; our wealth had encreased; our entering too much into detail on a subject possessions had multiplied. Our navy, which they understood a great deal better always formidable, had swept every hosthan he could possibly pretend to do. But tile fleet from the face of the ocean. War, they all knew the situation of Europe, and the curse of every other nation, had to the situation of Great Britain; they all Great Britain been a comparative blessing. knew the nature of the struggle in which Indeed, such was the extraordinary state this country was engaged; they all knew of Europe, that he apprehended very the inveteracy of the merciless and exas- much that war was the only mode by perated foe, who was bent on their de- which the advantages which we had acstruction; they all knew the value of the quired, could be maintained. Peace, unobjects for which Great Britain had to der the present circumstances, while it contend; they all knew that she stood would be as expensive to us as war, would alone in the contest, that on no human be tenfold more dangerous. Successfully, power could she place any reliance, that however, as we had resisted the machinashe had to depend only on her own re- tions and the violence of the foe, still the sources, on her own spirit, and on her own house was not less bound to take care that determination. These were facts that those ministers, whose duty it was to diwere self-evident, they were subjects of rect the resources and the energies of the public notoriety, and he, therefore, trusted country, were fulfilling that duty; that that the house would acquit him of pre- they were competent to the discharge of sumption in speaking of them. We were the functions with which they were innot only opposed as man to man, or as vested; and that they deserved a contination to nation, against one of the most nuation of the confidence of the country. gigantic powers that ever existed in the This would be best ascertained by a reworld, but to a power which, in addition trospect of their acts, and those acts were to its own strength, had succeeded in ab- so fully described in his majesty's most sorbing into itself almost every other Eu- gracious speech, that it appeared to him ropean state. The situation of the coun- needless to recapitulate them. In the retry was, therefore, most critical; it re- gret which his majesty expressed at havquired the most vigorous exertions, it de- ing been compelled to adopt hostile incamanded the most liberal sacrifices. Faint sures against Denmark, the house would heartedness would be our destruction. undoubtedly join; but it would be a regret There was no mid-way for us between unmixed with reproach, it would even be a success and ruin. Under such circum- regret overpowered by feelings of gratitude stances, the contemplation of the resources to his majesty for his paternal care in and spirit of the country, was a subject of rescuing the country from the most forconsolation and pride; and, however the midable danger to which it had ever been protraction of the war, with the inevitable exposed; for, after the Treaty of Tilsit, burdens, and the partial obstruction to after the subsequent conduct of Austria commerce, which that protraction occa- and of Denmark, it was impossible that sioned, were to be lamented, we had only any man could doubt of a combination of to look around us, to be thankful for the powers having been formed against us. contrast which we presented to the neigh- Perhaps, among the various causes which bouring nations; to be thankful for the had laid the continental states at the foot

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