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not have undertaken to interest himself with
the emperor, for their being revealed. Sir,
I do not blame lord Granville Levison for
not accepting the mediation unconditional-
ly; but the course which he steered does
not appear to me to have been the right
one; it was not calculated to turn to the
best advantage, either the disposition of
the court of Russia, or the opportunities
which might have been created if they did
not present themselves, of opening a direct
communication with France.-A second dis-
patch from lord Granville Levison, [p.197]
dated on the same day, gives an account of
another conference with gen. Budberg, in
which he conducted himself in a most ami-
cable manner; and in the apology which
gen. Budberg is there represented as having
offered for the expressions of dissatisfaction
contained in the note which he wrote from
Tilsit, he accounted for them on those ob-
vious principles which I have before detailed
to the house.-A third dispatch, dated also
on the same day, transmits to this court a
note [p. 198] delivered to the English am-
bassador on the subject of the fatal prepa-nary to a negociation, it does not follow
rations against Copenhagen, and destroys
the momentary illusion which had been
created in the mind of lord Granville Levi-
son, on what has been termed the reviving
confidence in the court of Russia.-The
fourth paper of this series communicated
by the king's command to the house, is a
dispatch signed by Mr. Canning, and dated
on the 27th Sept. 1807, [p. 200.] The next
is a dispatch from the same gentleman, and
addressed likewise to my lord Granville
Levison, dated on the following day. The
tone of these two dispatches is perfectly
dissimilar. The one is written with all
cordiality, and in all confidence towards
Russia; the other is written, as it would
appear, under feelings of the greatest irri-
tation towards that power, and expressing
not only doubts of her sincerity, but a be-
lief in her hostility towards this country.
One would imagine, upon a review and
comparison of the two dispatches, that they
could not have been written by the same
person, with all the dispatches of lord Gran-
ville Levison, dated the 2d of Sept. before
him; and yet it is manifest that they were
so, not only because those dispatches were
sent off on the same day, but because Mr.
Canning in the outset of his first letter ac-
knowledges that they were all received by
the same hand and at the same time. Now,
sir, I will take the liberty of calling the at-
tention of the house to the contents of both

these letters. To begin with the first. Mr.
Canning applauds lord Granville Levison
for not having accepted the mediation of
the emperor of Russia, and he states suc-
cinctly and intelligibly the points upon which
the question of this acceptance turns. First,
the frank communication of the articles of
the treaty of Tilsit, secret as well as avowed.
Upon that I have already said so much
that I will not trouble the house any fur-
ther. Secondly, a distinct explanation of
the basis upon which France proposes to
treat, and which appeared to his imperial
majesty at Tilsit so just and honourable.
[p. 201.]-Sir, it seems to me that a
basis, as preliminary. to negociation, is
calculated rather to throw difficulties in
the way of a negociation, than to remove
any embarrassment which might even-
tually occur in the course of it. Many
treaties of peace, in the most complicated
and perplexed state of Europe, have been
negociated, and successfully terminated
without the previous recognition of a basis;
and even if a basis were necessary, prelimi-

that a basis is necessary as a preliminary to the acceptance of a mediation. It was not for Russia to communicate the basis, but for France; and if you had frankly accepted the offer of mediation on the part of Russia, and still thought a basis necessary, as preliminary to negociation; and that, added to this necessity, it was further expedient for such basis to be laid down by the enemy, rather than by yourself; the natural course would have been to desire the mediator to ask of the contending party to furnish you with that basis. A still more simple course of proceeding would have been for you to lay down to the mediator, the basis upon which alone you would treat, for the purpose of having such communication made to the enemy; but it is inconceivable to me that the communication of a basis from the enemy should be necessary, for the purpose of enabling you to accept a mediation.— Mr. Canning proceeds to state, that without these conditions the acceptance of the mediation by his majesty, can be nothing else" than a complete surrender of his honour and his interest into the hand of the mediator if not of the enemy." [p. 201.] A more absurd assertion was surely never made. In what way when you accept the mediation of a party do you confide your interest or your honour even to him, much more to the enemy? If indeed you elect an umpire, then you do confide both your in

article of the treaty which recognizes the king of Naples, as king of Naples only; and to ask whether it may not be contradicted by a secret article which adds to this title, that of the two Sicilies. There is no end of creating difficulties of this nature, and there could be no end of asking and answering such questions if the mind was disposed to raise doubt upon every article of the treaty. If there did exist secret articles of this sort, for the reason before given, they could not be disclosed; and the bare recognition, without a stipulation to co-operate for the purpose of making that recognition effectual, could be of no avail. A stipulation of that nature would directly affect the interests of England; and you had already been told by general de Budberg, that there existed no such article. In the whole of this dispatch however, Mr. Secretary Canning writes as if he had been acquainted merely with the conciliatory conversation which had taken place between general Budberg and the English ambassador; and as if he had no knowledge of the angry note respecting the affair of Denmark. He proceeds to direct lord Granville Levison to abstain from all reproach, even when confessing the suspicion of engagements which the king cannot but disapprove. Then in the true principles of the new morality, in the conclusion of his letter, he

terest, and your honour to that umpire. Even in that case you do not confide them to the enemy. But when you accept a mediation, you only accept a facility of communication with the enemy; which from the hostile situation in which you have long been reciprocally placed, you are not able to find without a mediator. There are difficulties to be overcome, asperities to be smoothed, punctilios of etiquette to be removed, which prevent either the one party or the other from making the first communication: the mediator brings you together, and by communicating from each to the other, makes a channel of intercourse, and prevents that sort of communication which even if intercourse was begun between two hostile parties, might terminate ineffectually, merely on account of the temper in which each was disposed to communicate towards the other. As we proceed in this letter Mr. Canning expresses doubts as to the sincerity of general Budberg, in the assurances he had given to lord Granville Levison; assurances conveyed in terms such as could leave no doubt in the mind of any person (who did not think that general Budberg was one of the basest of mankind,) that he was speaking the truth, when he took upon him to assert that there was no stipulation in the treaty of Tilsit, for the exclusion of the commerce of Great Britain from the ports of Russia. Mr. Can-hints that it would be better for the Empening says, "it will immediately have occur- ror of Russia to break all the engagements red to your excellency, a distinction might which he has entered into with France, and probably have been taken in general Bud- to return to the alliance of Great Britain, berg's mind, between a stipulation for the and a co-operation with her in the further immediate and eventual exécution of a pur-prosecution of the war. This is no less pose; and the agreement to resort to it eventually under circumstances which may not yet have occurred, and that supposing the former only to be the sense of Mr. de Budberg's 'assurance, that assurance might be literally true, without in fact conveying any thing essentially satisfactory." [p. 201.] Such a distinction would never have occurred to my mind. If general de Budberg was a man worthy to be conversed with at all, I should have thought it unworthy in me to have harboured such suspicions with regard to him; and I think that the mind which could entertain them must be of a construction, not the most simple, or free from a disposition to give a colour to things different from that which they ought really to bear. The letter goes on to express suspicions upon other parts of the treaty of Tilsit, and to desire lord Granville Levison to call for explanations upon that public

than calling upon Russia to violate the most sacred ties, calling upon her to do that which would render it impolitic and inexpedient to enter into any alliance with her yourself; because if she could be induc ed to break one treaty, there is no treaty which she could make which she might not on the same principles be called upon by other powers to break. From all obligation she must thenceforward proclaim herself to be absolved, whenever her interest should call for such absolution; and she is urged to this measure at a time when if she had been infamous enough to take the advice, from the position of the French armies, she must have been involved in total and irremediable ruin.-The dispatch, No. V. [p. 203.] is dated on the following day, the 28th of Sept. and the secretary of state informs lord Granville Levison that he incloses him a copy of the Declaration of the

king on the subject of the attack upon Denmark. Having written on the preceeding day with all the documents before him, with a knowledge of which he now writes, desiring the ambassador to abstain from all reproach towards the court of Russia, he now tells him," that the offer of mediation under all the circumstances which belong to it, was calculated to excite any other feeling rather than that of confidence in the Emperor's good will; and that every account received in England, of the temper in which that proposal was made, and of the light in which it was put by the enemy, justified the belief, that it was intended by Russia rather as preparatory to hostility, consequent on his majesty's refusal, than as likely to lead to a pacific result through his acceptance." [p. 204.] Is it possible that the same man can be so contradictory to himself? He goes on to state that he thinks there is evidence not only of the designs of Buonaparte towards Denmark, but of the "connivance, if not of the participation, of Russia in those designs:"" and that Russia formed a large part of the danger, which the measures taken against Denmark by the king of England were calculated to repel." Why, sir, if this were the feeling of the king's minister, was it not his duty to have told lord Granville Levison directly to break off all communication with the court of Petersburgh? Russia was not only partial to France, but was conniving in measures calculated for the destruction of England; or according to the emphatical words of lord Granville Levison in his note to general Budberg, dated the 2d of Sept. she formed a large part of the danger "which in the view of England, threatened not only the welfare of his people, but the existence of his crown. [p. 199.] Was it possible that he could advise his majesty to accept (with whatever conditions annexed), the mediation of a power so circumstanced? But we see that the foreign secretary does not absolutely disown the possibility of the acceptance of the Russian mediation. He still hesitates. This is extraordinary. But what must surprise us still more, is, that hesitating upon the acceptance of the mediation of Russia, as between France and England, declaring that mediation to be offered in a manner evincing an hostile, rather than an amicable mind, in the court of St. Petersburgh, and affirming that Russia is conniving at, if not instigating the hostility of France towards this country

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through the means of Denmark, and is a part of that danger with which G. Britain is threatened; he calls upon the emperor of Russia (under such circumstances) to mediate between Denmark and G. Britain, to mediate between G. Britain and the power in whose cause Russia, by her public declaration, delivered to lord Granville Levison, declares herself to be greatly interested, against whom Russia declares that Great Britain has acted with the grossest violence and injustice; whose cause Russia declares that she is determined to espouse; between England and that power he calls upon Russia to mediate, having before declared that impartiality was the necessary character of a mediator, having declared that in the mind of a mediator, not only there of the parties on whose behalf the mediamust be no hostility lurking towards either tion is proposed, but that the absence of all such hostility must be made manifest by the complete exposition and promulgation of all the acts done, all the engagements entered into both public and private between the mediating power and the other Belligerents! Sir, I defy the right hon. gent. to reconcile these inconsistencies in his own conduct; and I think such inconsistency of conduct shews that the person to whom it is justly attributable is not fitted for the high and important situation which he holds under his majesty's government.-The rest of the correspondence from lord Granville Levison, gives an account of the removal of gen. Budberg from his office of foreign minister; the appointment, ad interim, of count Soltikoff: and the further appointment of count Romanzow to the same office, I shall not dwell u Lupon that part of the correspondence, because it relates principally to the subject of Demnark, which I now wish to leave wholly out of my view. I will only observe, that upon the appointment of each of those ministers, lord Granville Levison still requested a communication of the secret articles of Tilsit; that count Soltikoff said, that he would take the emperor's orders respecting the communication of those articles, that having taken those orders, he told lord Granville Levison that the emperor had refused them, adding these remarkable words; "that the emperor did not refuse them on account of their

containing any stipulations prejudicial to England, but having once determined that they should not be made public, he saw no reason for receding from his determination." [p. 207.] The subject of the

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Commercial Treaty was again touched | devised. At the same time, adding that upon, and again put aside. The same de- although the mediation of Russia was demand was renewed by lord Granville Le-clined for the reasons stated, a direct comvison to count Romanzow, and again remunication with France would be acceptfused. It is only necessary to observe ed, if offered on the part of that power; that count Romanzow made use of terms and even avowing frankly to Russia, not expressive of the emperor's friendship only that such was the disposition of the towards his Britannic majesty; and of his English government, but that if England anxious desire for the re-establishment of felt that her overtures would be received peace. The last of these communications in a manner becoming her honour and is dated the 19th of Sept. [p. 209.] But dignity, and upon the footing of equality, although the mediation had not advanced she would not be indisposed to make such during this interval, the discussion respect- overtures. I am of opinion, that if such ing it had not ended. Demands were still overtures had been made at that moment, made with which Russia would not com- it was a period of the war most favourable ply, but her non-compliance did not in- for them, and that they might have led to duce us entirely to break off upon the sub-peace. There was a third course; that of ject of the mediation; and it was not till suspicion, petulance, and half confidence, the 29th of Oct. more than five weeks after to which the evil genius of England dithe date of the letter I have just men- rected the councils of her ministers. This tioned, giving an account of the confe- was a course which was sure to fail; a rence between count Romanzow and lord course which must necessarily bring disGranville Levison, that his lordship deliv-credit upon the government of the counered an official Note to the court of St. Petersburgh to bring the matter of mediation to a point. [p. 211.] It does not appear that any answer was given to that official note. On the 8th of Nov. the Declaration of the emperor of Russia on the attack of the English upon Copenhagen was made public; and a Note was delivered to lord Granville Levison which put an end to all communication between G. Britain and Russia, and placed them in a situation of hostility with regard to each other. [p. 216.]-Sir, I have thus gone through papers which have been submitted to us upon the Russian offer of mediation, and the investigation furnishes me with this conclusion; that there were three modes in which the king's servants might have proceeded with regard to that mediation. The first was to have accepted, it in the only way in which it could with propriety be accepted; with promptitude, frankness and confidence. I do not say that ministers are censurable for not having done this. The responsibility they would have taken upon themselves, was undoubtedly great the issue might have been fortunate. No blame, however, attaches to those who declined such a decided line of conduct. The second course which might have been taken, was to have told Russia immediately, that in the circumstances of the case, England could not accept her mediation: but to have done this, accompanied with all the expressions of tenderness, conciliation, and confidence towards Russia, which could have been

the

try. It has failed, it has brought discredit
úpon the councils of the king, and what
appears to me to have been a golden op-
portunity for entering into a negociation,
has been irretrievably lost.-I now pass
on to the series of papers relative to the
mediation of Austria. The first of these
carries us back to the 18th of April
1807, when it appears that Austria made
an offer of her mediation to all the belli-
gerent powers. The offer of Austria and
the answer of England, are both of them
conceived in the most dignified and appro-
priate terms. I do not know that there is
any reason to make further observation
upon the two first papers, excepting so far
as is necessary to call the attention of the
house to one paragraph of the Austrian
note, which is this: "in considering how
very complicated and extensive the pre-
sent war is become, the emperor would
think that he had but very imperfectly
expressed his fervent desire for peace,
a hope of its complete and speedy re-esta-
blishment, if he did not at the same time
state the entire conviction he feels, that it
is only by the united endeavours of the
powers principally concerned in the war,
and by a negociation in common, which
should embrace the whole of their recipro-
cal interests, that permanent tranquillity,
and a secure and solid peace, can be at-
tained, a peace which should secure the
future political relations of Europe." And
to the concluding sentence of the para-
graph immediately succeeding that which
I have quoted, in which it is said that the

and

essential relations of all the parties inte- | rested should as far as is practicable be combined." [p. 102.] An official answer is returned by Mr. Secretary Canning in a Note dated the 25th of April, and I have no fault to find with that official document. [p. 102.] It is only to be remarked that England acknowledges the intention of Austria that her mediation should be applied to all the powers concerned in the war on both sides. And the mediation is accepted upon that condition. This offer of mediation was issued on the same day to the courts of France, Petersburgh and London, but before all the answers could be received at Vienna, the events of war had reduced Russia and Prussia to the terms of the conqueror. I did expect that there would have been some supplementary documents between the note dated the 25th of April, and the next note which we find from the Prince de Stahremberg, dated on the 20th of November, but I have been informed that none such exist. On the 20th of Nov. the prince de Stahremberg addressed a note to Mr. Secretary Canning, by the positive order of his court, making the most urgent representations upon the importance of obtaining a pacification between England and France; acknowledging the constant desire expressed by the court of St. James's for the re-establishment of peace, and requesting to know what were the sincere intentions of his Britannic majesty at this time upon the same subject. [p. 104.] I beg the house to attend to the date of this communication. The last note on the subject of the Russian mediation was delivered at St. Petersburgh on the 29th of Oct.; the renewal of the offer of Austrian mediation was made at London on the 20th of Nov. Now supposing for a moment that the emperor of the French was desirous of obtaining peace, through any channel by which he could effect his object; finding that he had failed at St. Petersburgh, by the date it will appear that he renewed his offer through the means of the court of Vienna, at the very first moment at which by possibility it could be renewed. There is just time for the news of the total failure of the Russian mediation to have arrived at Paris, and for a communication to have been made by the count de Metternich (the Austrian ambassador at the court of the Thuilleries,) to the prince de Stahremberg in London, between the 29th of Oct. and the 20th of Nov. Sir, I do not build much upon this, but at the same time

there is a coincidence of dates, which at least will justify some observation upon the fact. To this note of the 20th of Nov. a cold and distant Answer [p. 104,] is returned by the English secretary of state : but such a one as did not prevent further intercourse. For on the 1st of Jan. 1808, another very short Note [p. 105,] is delivered by the prince de Stahremberg to Mr. Canning, to which I beg to call the serious attention of the house, and even to the particular construction of the phrases of it. First, Sir, I deem the communication of the 20th of Nov. to have been a renewal of the offer made on the 18th of April, and not to be an absolutely new offer in itself; and therefore that the court of Vienna meant England to understand, that in this renewed proposition, she included the whole of her original offer of mediation; and that all the conditions said by her to be necessary for bringing the negociation to a happy issue, (and particularly that of including all the powers engaged in the war on both sides, was referred to, and remained in full force. If I am right in this assumption, there could be no ground for doubt as to the true interpretation of any equivocal phrase that might be used by the prince de Stahremberg: but even without such assumption, I think I am warranted in saying that the very terms of the prince de Stahremberg's letter conveyed the same offer. Sir, the prince de Stahremberg says, that he has the orders of his own court, and conforms to the desire of the court of the Thuilleries in giving the information with which he is then charged, and that he is ordered to propose in consequence of the pacific dispositions evinced by his Britannic majesty, in his note of the 23d of November, that plenipotentiaries shall be immediately sent to Paris, to treat for the reestablishment of peace. Now, sir, I beg to quote the French expression, "entre toutes les puissances actuellement en guerre avec l'Angleterre." [p. 105.] The translation given to this phrase is," for the establishment of peace between all the powers at present at war with England." This upon the face of it is wrong; it cannot be meant the establishment of peace between all the powers at war with England to the exclusion of England, which is the strict grammatical import of these words. But having thus made a false translation, Mr. Canning in his answer to the prince de Stahremberg's note, builds upon it a reasoning which leads us to sup

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