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no hesitation in saying, that I had much rather the seals of the foreign office were in the hands of lord Hawkesbury, than in those of their present possessor. In lord Hawkesbury's correspondence, there appears to be a frankness, a simplicity, and a temper which are totally wanting in the correspondence of the right hon. gent. and which are very ill compensated by the smartness and satire so conspicuous in his dispatches. If therefore, the administration must needs consist of the same component parts, I could wish, for the advantage of the country, that these two persons should change situations. But, sir, however material it may be to review the conduct of ministers, and for the house to express its opinion upon that conduct, what is past is of much less importance than what is to come; and it remains to be considered what course we ought now to pursue. What is past is lamentable, but irremediable; what is to come requires the utmost efforts of human wisdom to turn to the best account. If I shall have persuaded the house, or any considerable proportion of it, that at no period the experiment of negociation has been carried to the utmost; and that in the two last instances, it was not the perverseness of France, but the folly of England, which prevented our entering into negociation, I shall have effected a great deal, because I shall have persuaded the house, or such persons in it upon whom my arguments may have made any impression, that they ought not to cast away all hope of peace, and that it is not necessary to stifle all desire of it. My opinion is now what it has been from the commencement of the first revolutionary war: peace has been all along essential to the interests, it is now more than at any preceding period necessary to the salvation of the country. I deny the insane proposition, that peace is more dangerous than war. I will not assert that, with peace we can insure safety, but I am convinced that in everlasting war we must find our ruin. A rapid review of our internal situation, and even a repetition of the name of our sister kingdom, and the catalogue of our foreign dependencies, will too clearly establish that proposition. Look at the petitions upon your table, and read what they contain. Look at Ireland, at India, and your possessions in the West Indies; and, having done so, ask yourselves whether a continuation of the war must not bring the greatest calamities upon the

country, unless you can effect a firm and general conviction that it is the ambition and injustice of France alone, which prevents the accomplishment of peace. But it is necessary that a negociation very different from any of the preceding ones, should be entered into, for the purpose for ascertaining that fact. Sir, I believe there are many who have such a horror of peace with France that they would be inclined to vote with me upon the third proposition, which I shall submit to the consideration of the house, upon the expediency of making a direct overture for negociation with France, if they could be convinced that that overture would terminate unsuccessfully, after the example of Mr. Dundas, who told the house of commons, that in the failure of the negociation at Lisle and Paris, the country had had two great escapes. Such is the hatred of some towards France, such the infatuation of others, and such the controul of interest, as I fear, over many, that for these different reasons desiring a prolongation of the war, they would wish to throw the whole blame upon France, and they would be glad to enter into a mock negociation for that purpose. Such certainly is not my view of the subject. I wish to enter into a negociation not only for the purpose of ascertaining the sincerity of France, but in the hope, nay even in the expectation of being able to procure peace, upon honourable and equitable terms. Sir, it has been said by some, that a peace of security would content them; and that for the present all idea of our honour must be out of the question. I am of a very different opinion. I certainly would not consent to any peace, in which the honour of the country was not consulted. As to security, when can it ever be obtained? The volumes of treaties, with which our libraries are loaded, show that peace has seldom been maintained between contracting parties, whenever it became the interests of either the one or the other power to break the contract. With the power of France, so enormous as it now confessedly is, when can you say that you are secure in peace? If you wait un

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you can have security, that the peace which you make shall be maintained during any given period, you must abandon all hopes of peace; but I should enter into negociation, expecting that it would terminate in peace; and hoping that such peace would be permanent and secure, or as much so as at any other period with

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volution of France. Her dominions were

any other government.-The right hon. | great, if not greater, than before the regent. in the Declaration which I take to be his production, has described in glow-more concentrated, her population greater, ing terms, the present state of the French her spirit, even under the most cruel repower; he has asserted, and most truly, verses, had never been broken; and if that kingdoms are prostrate at her feet, you would not have dragged her forth at and that the population of nations is ranged a time when she was conscious of her inunder her banners.' Formidable indeed ability to stir, she might have recovered; is the power so described, but what has and, at some future period have opposed laid kings prostrate at her feet, and what to France a most formidable and effectual has ranged the population of nations under resistance. Forced by your impolicy she her banner? the infatuated policy of Eng-ran upon her ruin; and although she has land, during the last fifteen years. been suffered to remain a great power there any hope then by a perseverance in still, much more time will be requisite bethe same policy, that this power can be in fore she can again make head upon the the smallest degree diminished? Let us continent. Russia was an unbroken power, not deceive ourselves, nor stand aghast as but it was madness to call her forth at the if something preternatural had been effect- moment that you did; and the formation ed! there is no miracle in all this, it is of the last coalition was one of that series simply the consequence of one man, of ex- of acts of impolicy, or rather the most abtraordinary talents, taking advantage of surd of ali those impolitic acts of which the folly and the blunders of the rest of England has been so long guilty. It has been mankind. We talk of the machinations, of fatal consequence, not only as it has led the artifices, and the intrigues of Buona- to the defeat and disgrace of the combined parte: they all resolve themselves into armies, but as it has given to the French four great battles, Marengo, Austerlitz, emperor a proof of his power, when enJena, and Friedland. These are the ma- gaged against those armies. When we chinations by which he got the continent talk of artifice and deceit, let us recollect into his power. You made it necessary that the foundation of the hope of that for him to fight those battles; you com- coalition, was the deceit practised upon bined the world against him, he has con- the French emperor; that that deceit, up to quered the world combined, and he has the period at which you expected its decombined the world against you. We tection, was successful. Sir, we have now talk again at other times, of the fortune of drank the cup of experience to the dregs, Buonaparte, as if there were some good and I think the most infatuated enthusiast genius attendant upon him, which led him in politics can no longer look to the conto the accomplishment of his objects, and tinent for any hope of curtailing, much as if an evil genius at all times attended less of destroying, the power of France. the coalitions formed against him, and led How much more formidable have you renthem to defeat and to disgrace: Sir, dered the French emperor, by bringing his armies in contact with those of every power of the continent! before you had done so, expectation might have been entertained by yourselves, or by the powers who had not tried it, either separately, or jointly, that France might have been resisted by a combination of those powers: and indeed a doubt might have been entertained in the mind of the French emperor himself, whether, with his consummate military skill, and with such an engine as the French armies, and the armies of the nations then dependent upon France, he could make head against the other powers of the continent. You have absurdly shewn him, that Austria and Russia combined, are no match for him; you have shewn him that Russia and Prussia combined are no match for him, and it is now no matter of speculation, but a thing which

The lucky have their moments, those they use, Th' unlucky have their hours, and those they lose.

That is the solution of this great mystery as it respects Buonaparte and the powers engaged against him. What could be more absurd, not to go back to former periods, than the last coalition excited by England against France? To enter into the detail of all the Papers, which were imprudently thrown upon the table of the house of commons,* at the time lord Mulgrave held the office of foreign secretary of state, would not be possible at this time; but I would refer the house, and the public, to a review of them, for the proof of what I assert. Austria was totally unprepared. She was a power at that time as

*See Appendix to vol. vį.

you have forced him to put to the proof, | peace; we shall find that war has not that he is superior to every, and to all the armies of the continent. You are now alone and how are your individual interests to be consulted? When I say alone, I do not forget that you have an alliance with Sweden; but that alliance is a weight upon you, rather than any assistance to you. I say then, that you are alone in the war; and how are your individual interests to be consulted, but by peace? Upon what appears to me to be the folly of commercial warfare, I have touched in the earlier part of my speech.-It has often been said, and with great truth as it applies to this country, that we ought to be extremely thankful to Providence, that we are unacquainted with the actual horrors of war: that this country has not been its theatre, at least for a long period; and that whilst desolation is spread over the plains of the continent, we are in all the enjoyment of profound peace. But although to us this is a blessing, I much question whether it is not the reverse of a blessing to all the rest of mankind; for there is a wide difference between giving large sums of money, the which in truth does not deprive the majority of those who give them, of any even of the comforts of life, much less of its necessaries, and being subject to those calamities which are inevitable where the contest is actually carried on. If the horrors of war were but once tasted amongst us, I do not think that the indisposition to peace would be so strong as it has hitherto been, and as I perhaps fear it may even now be.-If we continue the contest, it may come nearer home.-Ireland may be the theatre of war, nay it is not out of the reach of possibility, that the theatre of war may be transferred to England herself. God avert it! I am not one of those who ever gave way to the expression of sentiments which those who uttered them I am sure never seriously entertained: I never said, "a speedy meeting to Buonaparte upon our own shores !" God grant that he may never attain these shores! but if the war is to be interminable, that is one of the scenes which must eventually be acted. Sir, I will here notice one of the grounds of alarm which I have heard expressed on the subject of peace, arising out of the extension of the French empire, which we witnessed during the short interval of the peace of Amiens. I would ask gentlemen to review the comparative progress of the power of France during war, and during

stopped but materially accelerated that progress; there are no means in war to prevent its further progression. The French power is more progressive during war than during peace. But during peace the power of England and her allies would be upon the recovery. But what effect may the continuance of the war produce upon our external possessions? Do not ministers know that a most formidable attack upon our Indian empire is in the contemplation of France? Do they not know that the means for that attack are in preparation ? That so soon after the peace of Tilsit as the 12th of Aug. 1807, general Gardane was at Constantinople, on his way to Persia, for the purpose of preparing for the march of an army to India? that since that period, men of science and military knowledge have been from time to time passing from France into Persia, with a view to the same object? and do they not also know that the thing itself is of much more easy performance, than many of those achievements which the emperor of the French has accomplished? and can they point out any means by which, if the attack should be made, it can be repelled? Does not the continuance of the war then put to hazard the existence of our Indian empire? does it not put to hazard the existence of every English subject in India? Here then is another reason, why, while there is yet time, we should attempt to negociate for peace. What is the state of Ireland? the bare mention of Ireland brings her situation home in a most terrific manner to the bosom of every man ; and does not the state of Ireland afford a reason why you should attempt, while there is yet time, to negociate for peace? What is your situation with regard to America, are you not, by mismanagement or otherwise, upon the eve of a rupture with that country? would not the addition of America to the number of our enemies be of the greatest possible consequence to us? and is not our critical situation with regard to her, another reason why you should make an attempt to open a negociation? even for the sake of your ally, Sweden, should you not attempt to negociate? for a perseverance in the contest must be to her ruin, in spite of all the assistance she may receive from England.-To all this it may perhaps be shortly answered by the king's ministers, we are desirous of opening a negociation with France, whenever a fair opportunity can be found, upon a

footing of equality, and in a manner ho- | degrading. In the speech I have already nourable to the country. Sir, the minis-quoted, he distinctly says, "that at any ters are constantly talking about their disposition to peace, but let us look a little for what they are waiting: first of all, for an impartial mediator. Why, Sir, whether partial or impartial, there is no mediator now left upon the face of the earth.-Next, till France shall send a proper basis, and propose an unobjectionable spot for the purpose of treating :

Rusticus expectat dum defluat amnis. What remains to be done? nothing, but that this country should make an overture to France, as direct as the French emperor has ever made to you. Is there any humiliation in this proposition? if there be, the French emperor has twice sufficiently humbled himself before you; for twice he has made direct overtures of negociation. Can there be any expectation that he will repeat them? Recollect the abrupt and repulsive manner in which he was received in 1800, when he made his first overture to the king, on his being invested with the chief consulate of France! recollect the deceitful (I had almost said the treacherous) mode in which he was received the second time, when on assuming the imperial dignity, he again made a direct overture for peace. You told him at that time, that before you could give him any answer you must consult your allies. You did consult your allies; but not for the purpose of obtaining from them their consent to enter into negociation, but for the purpose of exciting them to a coalition, the object of which was to overwhelm and to destroy him. Is there any hope then (even if you were so to reverse the character you draw of him, as to represent him one of the most moderate and equitable of mankind), is there any hope that he will again attempt to approach this country by direct overtures? After the manner in which I have shewn that you have treated the two offers of mediation of Austria and Russia, is there any hope that he will again hazard any indirect attempt? Is it reasonable to expect it? and even if he were inclined to do it, what ministers have you at your court, or what ministers has he at his, through the means of whom he could make any such attempt? I repeat the question then, what is there left but a direct offer of negociation on the part of England?--Sir, I have the authority of the present secretary of state, that in a direct proposition from this country, there can be nothing

time when negociation is desirable, he cannot conceive that any delicacy, as to which party should make the proposal, ought to stand in the way." I agree with this theory, and I recommend to him the practice of it. In confirmation of its propriety, I refer him to a person in whose diplomatic shool he was bred, of whom he has always professed a great admiration, and for whom I entertain the highest respect; I mean lord Grenville. During the period in which he held the office now occupied by the right hon. gent. three propositions were made from this country to France: all of them direct, and all of that manly character which belongs to the noble lord. First, when he ordered Mr. Wickham to address Mr. Barthelemi, it was to ask directly of the French government, whether they were inclined to treat for peace? no mention of preliminary basis, no delicacy or feeling of humiliation in being the first to court that which was then deemed desirable; it was a direct, honourable, and manly proposition. It failed. On the second occasion, a question was asked through the Danish minister at Paris, who answered the noble lord, that the then French government would not allow of any indirect communication. Lord Grenville immediately wrote to the French minister of foreign affairs: a negociation was the consequence, which ended unfortunately. The third time, without any attempt at indirect means, lord Grenville wrote a letter, most judiciously expressed, to the minister of foreign affairs at Paris in the first instance. It is not necessary now to go into an investigation of the merits of those negociations: they were discussed at the time, and my opinions upon them are the same as they were then but with regard to the conduct of lord Grenville, in the different overtures, no doubt was entertained then, nor can it now, that it was wise, politic, honourable, and consistent with his own dignity, as well as with that of the country; it was such a line of conduct as ought to be pursued at this moment.-The question then occurs, what difficulties would arise in such a negociation? the course of events has very much smoothed them. The war you say is purely defensive; the question of peace then is purely a question of terms. But would France accede to our offer of negociation? I have no doubt she would, and eagerly too. It is quite unnecessary

bounds; he exacted from them more than human nature could endure. From that moment there was a revulsion in the mind of the Dutch nation. Having done their utmost to procure safety, by submission, and finding that it was not to be obtained, their hearts were steeled against their oppressor; they rallied under that mighty, genius, the prince of Orange, our great deliverer William the IIId, who conducted them to victory and to glory. The injustice of Louis the XIVth formed the pedestal, from which arose the exalted fame of that illustrious monarch, which has spread over every region of the earth. From the moment that the deputies of Holland returned from the presence of the French monarch, his projects were all baffled, and his army was ultimately compelled to retire in disgrace. If then the French emperor should eventually conduct himself in the manner which so many persons are willing to attribute to him, but as I think falsely, I am warranted in anticipating such consequences as followed from the same conduct on the part of Lewis the XIVth. It is evidently necessary, however, that we should conduct ourselves towards the chief of the French government with the same policy, that we would use towards any other person with whom we were about to negociate, or with whom we were negociating, either in a private or public station of life. It is not consistent with the policy or the dignity of a great nation, to approach another power, with a manifestation of feelings of disgust, of sus

for my present purpose, to enter into any argument upon the question of terms: that is a different consideration, and for the present is wholly out of my contemplation. All I want to ascertain is, whether peace be possible or not, by which I always understand an honourable peace; and if I can ascertain that fact even in the negative, I shall have produced great advantage to the country. A conviction of the want of moderation in the French emperor, and of the impossibility of obtaining peace, would unite all hearts, and all hands, in the defence of the country. Every privation would be submitted to: the honour of the country and its salvation would be paramount to every feeling of individual distress. I should no longer be apprehensive of the power of France. She would have created against herself an invincible barrier; and we, secure in the justice of our own cause, should be invincible against all her efforts. Is it from any enthusiastic feeling that I am making this assertion? is it the result of a sanguine mind, or introduced merely for the purpose of supporting my own argument? no, Sir, I rely upon historical example. What produced the salvation of Holland in the seventeenth century, but the injustice, the cruelty, and the inordinate ambition of Louis the XIVth? Let us look at that period of history, and we shall find that the liberties of mankind were thought, by those who then lived, to be in danger as imminent as we deem them to be in at present. At the head of a vast military force, commanded by the greatest gene-picion, or personal antipathy. Such, neverrals, and guided by the counsels of the wisest statesmen of the age, actuated by an ambition as immoderate, and cursed with a heart as unfeeling as ever was attributed to any conqueror upon the face of the earth, Louis the XIVth, in conjunction with the prostitute administration of Charles II. attacked the liberties of Holland. There appeared to be no salvation for the country. He had but to approach, and to overrun it with his armies. Such was the state of despondency and dejection into which the inhabitants of the Low Countries were sunk; such were the distresses which the people felt, that a deputation was sent to the French king to request that he would name the terms upon which he would grant them peace; and they were ready to accept terms of greater humiliation than had ever before been imposed upon any independent power. But the arrogance of Louis the XIVth knew no

theless, have been the manner and feelings with which the emperor of France has always been approached on the part of England. There has been no period in which the conduct of England towards him has been wise or conciliatory. There has been no person employed, on the part of England, who, in my opinion, has understood the character of the man. At no time has he been treated with the consideration due to the situation which he occupies, and to the achievements which he has performed. I think that lord Whitworth, in the conversations which he held with him, previous to the rupture of the peace of Amiens, grossly misunderstood his character and intentions. I think that at the period of the negociation of 1806, his character was again greatly misunderstood. Sir, I hope I shall not be misrepresented, as if I wished that the ministers of England, should conduct themselves with adulation or servi.

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