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footing of equality, and in a manner ho- | degrading. In the speech I have already nourable to the country. Sir, the minis- quoted, he distinctly says, ters are constantly talking about their dis- time when negociation is desirable, he position to peace, but let us look a little cannot conceive that any delicacy, as to for what they are waiting: first of all, for which party should make the proposal, an impartial mediator. Why, Sir, whether ought to stand in the way." I agree partial or impartial, there is no mediator with this theory, and I recommend to him now left upon the face of the earth.–Next, the practice of it. In confirmation of its till France shall send a proper basis, and propriety, I refer him to a person in whose propose an unobjectionable spot for the diplomatic shool he was bred, of whom he purpose of treating :

has always professed a great admiration, Rusticus expectat dum defluat amnis. and for whom I entertain the highest resWhat remains to be done ? nothing, but pect; I mean lord Grenville.

During the that this country should make an over- period in which he held the office now octure to France, as direct as the French cupied by the right hon. gent. three proemperor has ever made to you. Is there positions were made from this country to any humiliation in this proposition ? if | France: all of them direct, and all of that there be, the French emperor has twice manly character which belongs to the sufficiently humbled himself before you; noble lord. First, when he ordered Mr. for twice he has made direct overtures Wickham to address Mr. Barthelemi, it of negociation. Can there be any ex- was to ask directly of the French governpectation that he will repeat them? ment, whether they were inclined to treat Recollect the abrupt and repulsive man- for peace? no mention of preliminary ner in which he was received in 1800, basis, no delicacy or feeling of humiliation when he made his first overture to the in being the first to court that which was king, on his being invested with the chief then deemed desirable; it was a direct, consulate of France! recollect the deceit- honourable, and manly proposition. · It ful (I had almost said the treacherous) failed. On the second occasion, a quesmode in which he was received the second tion was asked through the Danish minister time, when on assuming the imperial dig- at Paris, who answered the noble lord, nity, he again made a direct overture for that the then French government would peace. You told him at that time, that not allow of


indirect communication. before you could give him any answer you Lord Grenville immediately wrote to the must consult your allies. You did consult French minister of foreign affairs : a negoyour allies ; but not for the purpose of ciation was the consequence, which ended obtaining from them their consent to enter unfortunately. The third time, without into negociation, but for the purpose of any attempt at indirect means, lord Grenexciting them to a coalition, the object ville wrote a letter, most judiciously exof which was to overwhelm and to destroy pressed, to the minister of foreign affairs him. Is there any hope then (even if you at Paris in the first instance. It is not newere so to reverse the character draw

cessary now to go into an investigation of of him, as to represent him one of the most the merits of those negociations : they moderate and equitable of mankind), is were discussed at the time, and my opinthere any hope that he will again attempt ions upon them are the same as they were to approach this country by direct over- then : but with regard to the conduct of tures? After the manner in which I have lord Grenville, in the different overtures, shewn that

you have treated the two offers no doubt was entertained then, nor can it of mediation of Austria and Russia, is now, that it was wise, politic, honourable, there any hope that he will again hazard and consistent with his own dignity, as any indirect attempt? Is it reasonable to well as with that of the country; it was expect it ? and even if he were inclined to such a line of conduct as ought to be purdo it, what ministers have you at your sued at this moment.—The question then court, or what minişters has he at his, occurs, what difficulties would arise in through the means of whom he could make such a negociation ? the course of events any such attempt ? I repeat the question has very much smoothed them. The war then, what is there left but a direct offer of you say is purely defensive ; the question negociation on the part of England ?-Sir, of peace then is purely a question of I have the authority of the present secre

terms. But would France accede to our offer tary of state, that in a direct proposition of negociation? I have no doubt she would, from this country, there can be nothing and eagerly too. It is quite unnecessary


for my present purpose, to enter into any | bounds; he exacted from them more than argument upon the question of terms : human nature could endure. From that that is a different consideration, and for the moment there was a revulsion in the mind present is wholly out of my contemplation of the Dutch nation. Having done their All I want to ascertain is, whether peace be utmost to procure safety, by submission, possible or not, by which I always under and finding that it was not to be obtained, stand an honourable peace; and if I can their hearts were steeled against their opascertain that fact even in the negative, I pressor; they rallied under that mighty, shall have produced great advantage to genius, the prince of Orange, our great the country. A conviction of the want of deliverer William the IIId, who conducted moderation in the French emperor, and ofy them to victory and to glory. The injusthe impossibility of obtaining peace, would tice of Louis the XIVth formed the peunite all hearts, and all hands, in the de- destal, from which arose the exalted fame fence of the country. Every privation would of that illustrious monarch, which has be submitted to: the honour of the country spread over every region of the earth. and its salvation would be paramount to From the moment that the deputies of every feeling of individual distress. 1 Holland returned from the

presence of the should no longer be apprehensive of the French monarch, his projects were all power of France. She would have cre- baffled, and his army was ultimately comated against herself an invincible barrier; pelled to retire in disgrace. If then the and we, secure in the justice of our own French emperor should eventually conduct cause, should be invincible against all her himself in the manner which so many perefforts. Is it from any enthusiastic feeling sons are willing to attribute to him, but as that I am making this assertion ? is it the I think falsely, I am warranted in anticiresult of a sanguine mind, or introduced pating such consequences as followed from merely for the purpose of supporting my the same conduct on the part of Lewis the own argument? no, Sir, I rely upon XIVth.-It is evidently necessary, howhistorical example. What produced the ever, that we should conduct ourselves salvation of Holland in the seventeenth towards the chief of the French governcentury, but the injustice, the cruelty, ment with the same policy, that we would and the inordinate ambition of Louis use towards


person with whom the XIVth ? Let us look at that period we were about to negociate, or with whom of history, and we shall find that the we were negociating, either in a private or liberties of mankind were thought, by public station of life. It is not consistent those who then lived, to be in danger with the policy or the dignity of a great as imminent as we deem them to be in at nation, to approach another power, with a present. At the head of a vast military manifestation of feelings of disgust, of suse force, commanded by the greatest gene- picion, or personal antipathy. Such, neverals, and guided by the counsels of the theless, have been the manner and feelings wisest statesmen of the age, actuated by with which the emperor of France has alan ambition as immoderate, and cursed ways been approached on the part of Engwith a heart as unfeeling as ever was at- land. There has been no period in which the tributed to any conqueror upon the face of conduct of England towards him has been the earth, Louis the XIVth, in conjunc- wise or conciliatory. There has been no tion with the prostitute administration of person employed, on the part of England, Charles II. attacked the liberties of Hol- who, in my opinion, has understood the land. There appeared to be no salvation character of the man. · At no time has he for the country. He had but to approach, been treated with the consideration due to and to overrun it with his armies. Such the situation which he occupies, and to the was the state of despondency and dejec- achievements which he has performed. I tion into which the inhabitants of the Low think that lord Whitworth, in the converCountries were sunk; such were the dis- sations which he held with him, previous tresses which the people felt, that a depus to the rupture of the peace of Amiens, tation was sent to the French king to re- grossly misunderstood his character and quest that he would name the terms upon intentions. I think that at the period of which he would grant them peace; and the negociation of 1806, his character was they were ready to accept terms of greater again greatly misunderstood. Sir, I hope humiliation than had ever before been im- I shall not be misrepresented, as if I wished posed upon any independent power. But that'the ministers of England, should con

the arrogance of Louis the XIVch knew no duct themselves with adulation of servi

Let us

lity towards the French emperor. I mean for defence. Could the present ruler of not, and cannot be supposed to mean, any France obtain a verdict of acquittal from such thing. But in negociation with'fo- any charge preferred against him, proreign powers, as well as in the conduct vided he could shew that his accusers had and business of private life, if we cannot been guilty of a parallel crime, he would talk with confidence, we had better not talk have no great difficulty in standing clear at all ; a communication upon any busi- with the world. If, for instance, he were ness would be very injudiciously carried charged with violent and unjust aggression on by a party, who in the outset should by Austria, Prussia and Russia, he might tell the person with whom he is commu- answer in one word-Poland. At all times nicating, that he has the worst opinion of the answer he could have given to Enghim in the world. Such, however, is really land might have been—India ; and now, the way in which this government has al- unhappily, he might add the decisive ways conducted itself towards the present name of Denmark. "I fear there is nothing ruler of France ; and setting out with a arising out of the particular purity of this determination not to believe any thing country, which can justify us in saying, that is told us, we are surprised that our that we will have nothing to do with the communications have not come to a happy government of France. If France be loadissue.-Sir, I cannot help observing upon ed with political crime, so are the nations the sort of personal hatred and antipathy she has conquered, and so are we. towards the French emperor, which ap- | view the trespasses of France, with the pears to prevail in the minds of a large same indulgence we think due to those of part of the community, as if each man had other countries, or to our own. Or at the a personal quarrel with him. The origin least let us not set up an hypocritical reaof this feeling is to be traced to the various son for refusing to negociate with her. endeavours which have been made to ex- | Again, if we are in the high situation, cite the public hatred from the moment at times described in colours so glowing, he attained the consular power. It argues by orators on the other side of the a great degeneracy of national character, house, let us follow the example of Buoand it has given rise to many very disgraceful naparte, and seize the propitious moment publications. A national antipathy, found- of national elevation. ' In the zenith of ed upon the crimes perpetrated by the our strength, let us make one frank and chief of a government, whether crimes of generous overture for pacification.-Sir, it state, or of a more private nature, can be will be objected that such is the inordinate no ground for a continuation of war be- ambition of Buonaparte, there can be no tween two countries. The murder of Don hope that he will be seriously inclined to Carlos by Philip the second, was never peace. That his ambition is great, nobody urged as a cause of war against Spain. can doubt; but it is an ambition much The execution of the Czarowitz Alexis under the guidance of prudence: he never by Peter the Great, was never considered fails to take every precaution for his seas a just cause of hostility against Russia. curity. He never proceeds without knowThe punishment of the crimes of princes, ing, in case of reverse, how he is to retire; is in the hand of the Ruler of princes; and and his ambition has never yet, as far as I it is not for us, to make them the cause of have been able to observe, tempted him to punishment to their guiltless people and go much beyond the true line of his inour own. Providence, in its inscrutable terest. In talking of inordinate or insawisdom, works by means, and often deigns tiable ambition, we mean that passion to produce the greatest good by the most when carried to such an extent as to preignoble and vicious instruments. I do not dominate over prudence and discretion. suppose that any person will question the Such was the ambition of Charles the XII. advantage derived to this country from the which was truly insatiable, and disdaining introduction of the reformation. Yet by even the slightest controul, hurried him to the brutal lusts of Henry the VIIIth, was his ruin : but the ambition of Buonaparte that reformation introduced among us. has always been subservient to his policy. The advantage accruing to the cause of Previous to the treaty of Campio Formio, true religion, morality, and virtue, is the the Austrian capital was in his power: he same, whether he who effected it were the stopped because it was his interest to do so. most virtuous or the most-vicious of man- After the battle of Austerlitz, when in kind.- Sir, it has been much the practice possession of the capital of the Austrian in this house, to substitute recrimination empire, did he make a peace with Austria Vol. X.

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different from that which the coolest poli- , and prince Eugene, reduced the power of tician would have prescribed ? Did he dis- her arms, and brought her to the lowest play the features of a savage ferocity, or state of humiliation. Let us not, however, did he gratify by acts of barbarity that forget that the cruel bigotry of Louis the disposition to vengeance, which is attribu- Xivth. materially embarrassed his military ted to him? Did he not rather conduct exertions, and blending domestic contenhimself towards the Austrian monarchy, tions with foreign war, heightened his its sovereign and his people, in a manner, own distress, and powerfully contributed, which, if it had been adopted by any among other causes, to effect the salvation other than Buonaparte, might have been of Europe.—But is it the power of France extolled as of exemplary moderation? the that we now contemplate? Sir, I maintain same may be remarked of his conduct sub- that it is not the power of France, but the sequent to the victories of Jena and of power of the French emperor. The mighty Friedland.-If then, upon a review of the mass of dominion which you in your atwhole of his conduct, I perceive that his tempts to destroy him, have placed within policy has controuled his ambition, and has his grasp, he alone can wield: none but allayed if not extinguished his thirst for re- Ulysses can bend the bow of Ulysses. venge: and I at the same time perceive that But as in the course of nature, his life must it would be conducive to his interest, even at length terminate, God forbid it should now to make peace with England; my be cut short by any improper means! the hope of accomplishing such a peace is not power of France would then no longer be without foundation, and my desire that what it is now. Nay, even suspend for a ministers would attempt to open a nego- time the operations of war, and the power ciation, is not ill-timed or improper. Sir, of the French emperor would be no longer I am no apologist of any crimes which what it is now. By your resistance you he may have committed ; but I am aware created, and by continuing to resist, you that I may be represented, by my oppo- consolidate that power. It is the contest nents, as the apologist of the French of the wind and the sun; by urging the emperor;

I know that I am not so. I tempest of war against him, you bind am endeavouring to do some degree of faster all those ties, which have placed the justice to the character of that extraordi- different powers of the earth under his nary man, in order that ministers may do controul; the genial influence of peace justice to the country.Sir, I will again would tend gradually to disunite and todisshortly recur to the period of Louis the solve them. Look at the map of Europe XIVth. The power of France was then and see whether the arrangements that he almost physically as great as it is now. has made, and those which he is about to When a prince of the blood of France, make, are not such as must create in themwas placed upon the throne of Spain, and selves a division of interests, amongst the the Pyrenean mountains were no more, persons who obtain those possessions, Wm. the IIId. no longer filled the throne from whatever family sprung, or however of England: the French armies were still united by blood or otherwise. In process commanded by generals of the highest re- of time new combinations must arise : putation. There was every prospect that and, there are upon the continent the elethe whole of Europe would be overwhelm- ments of great powers, which may at a ed by France ! there was no obstacle in proper time be called into action. There the mind of the French monarch, arising will be the means of resisting the power of out of humanity, good faith, the ties of ho- France hereafter, provided France should nour, or the calls of justice. He had ex- shew herself incapable of maintaining the emplified his contempt of treaties, by suf- relations of peace and amity. Give them fering Philip to seize the Spanish crown: but time to breathe, and they may be beby his ravage of the Palatinate, he had neficially and effectually used. The exisshewn how callous he was to the miseries tence of one great man, at any period of of mankind. There remained nothing but the world, changes the whole face of hustrength to oppose to strength; and there man affairs. Great men have indeed did providentially arise at that period that existed in our day, but their warnings greatest and noblest bulwark of nations, have been disregarded. If the advice of men of transcendent talents, who eventually the gallant and patriotic Archduke Charles reversed the fortune of war. The potens had been taken, the last coalition would tates confederated against France, under never have been formed, and Austria the auspices of the duke of Marlborough would have remained that great power, which she was subsequent to the peace of I am the advocate of England. I want to Luneville. If the admonitions of Mr. Fox shew. to England, that it is expedient on had been attended to, the bloody tragedy every account to make peace, and possible of the French revolution would never have to maintain it; and, that those who would been acted ; Buonaparte would never have still induce them to believe, that there is beenemperor of the French,“ he would not any prospect of obtaining better terms have had kingdoms prostrate at his feet, and than we can now have, at any future period, the population of nations under his banners." grounded upon any of the common-place Having mentioned the name of Mr. Fox, I topics, which have been dwelt upon during willingly acknowledge myself his true and so many years, have no foundation for their genuine disciple. I am only feebly urg- assertions. We are told that if peace were ing the sentiments which he would have made with France, she would immediately forcibly uttered, had he not been unhap- turn the whole or chief of her attention to pily taken from us. I trust that I am the restoration of her navy. Undoubtedly treading in his footsteps ; would to God she would do so, and France has always that his countenance were now upon me! done so, during any peace that has taken would to God, this humble effort over, I place between the two nations: and she has could feel myself as I have often done, se- always so far succeeded, as very much to cure under the impenetrable egis of his improve the number and condition of her eloquence! How bitter is the reflection ! ships. The consequence has only been upon Had this country but hearkened to his the renewal of war, to give fresh triumphs prophetic voice, all the horrors which to G. Britain, and such I am confident have passed during the last fifteen years, would again be the case. But there is would have been averted; prophetic I may this difference: the French emperor is at truly call it, for there is not one of his pre- this moment, and has been for a considerdictions which has not been exactly veri- able time, as fully employed in the confied. The period of delusion is now at an struction of ships as he could be in time of end. We can no longer entertain "any the profoundest peace; but what he wants, expectation of intestine convulsion in and what France will always want, is saiFrance; we can no longer flatter ourselves lors. From the relative situation of the with the hope, that the moment Buona- two countries, it is utterly impossible parte quits Paris, some terrible commotion that as long as the commercial greatness will take place. We have seen the capi. of this country exists, the French navy tal, nay all France emptied of soldiers, and can ever become, by many degrees of the whole country tranquil

. We can no comparison, equal to that of G. Britain. longer hope for a general revolt produced By the continuation of the war, you by the supposed misery of the people, risque the eventual loss, or at least the groaning under the oppression of his ty- serious diminution of your commerce, ranny. Sir, I believe that an impartiał the foundation of your naval greatness. observer, in travelling through France, By peace your commerce will be restor(at least from all the information I have ed, enlarged; and your naval greatness receiyed, it is so), would find that the si- will be proportionably augmented. It tuation of the inhabitants of the country, is therefore in my opinion a most chiis improved rather than deteriorated, since merical apprehension, that during any it fell under his dominion. We can no interval of peace, such a navy could longer hope, that the soldiery, discontent- be created by France, as would be at all ed with the distant expeditions to which formidable to the marine of G. Britain.he has led them, will be excited to a spirit Lastly, it has been said, that the French of mutiny against him. We can no longer emperor has sworn the destruction of this hope that the countries which he has country, and will therefore never allow conquered will rise in one general mass, you to be at peace. I would ask when, and vindicate their own cause by the mas- where, and how, was this tremendous oath sacre of his troops. The experiment in taken? not when he was created chief all these cases, has been made, and the consul of France, for at the moment of his predictions of those absurd and foolish pro- elevation he eagerly applied for peace. phets who foretold these and similar events Not when he was created emperor, for have been, completely falsified. The then he repeated in earnest and dignified union of the great powers of the continent language, bis request for peace. Not in to defeat him is no longer practicable. I the course of the last summer, when victorepeat that I am not the apologist of France, rious over Russia, when he again attempt.

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