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matter of course, whenever it may happen to suit the convenience of the foreign government to reconsider the measures, by which the application of that interdict was occasioned.

"It is not made matter of complaint by the British government, that the United States have suffered the time to pass by, at which it might have been an object of greater importance to this country to induce the United States to come into their proposals.

"The United States exercised upon this point a free judgment, and they can on their part have no reason to complain, that Great Britain, after allowing ample time for maturing that judgment, is contented to abide the result of their decision.

"If we direct our attention to the ground, which has been assumed by Mr. Canning, there can arise on this side of the Atlantic no difference of opinion. It is indefensible in its principle and in: jurious in its application. Whatever may be the right of Great Britain to consider the colonies as an integral part of her empire, and to restrict the supplying of their wants to the resources of the mother country, transported in their own vessels, this right of monopoly ceases, whenever other powers, either from necessity or interest, are admitted to its participation. It then becomes a subject of mutual interest. The supply of the one is as useful as the demand of the other, and, if the trade is opened to all, it should be opened on terms, liberal and just to both. But where would be the justice of abandoning her system of exclusive supply, and opening her ports to the admission of foreign productions, now become necessary to their prosperity or existence, but denying to the countries, from whence they are supplied, not only the privilege of transporting them, but even the privilege of an equal participation in their transportation. This has neither been the principle, nor the practice of other nations, having colonies. It is admitted to be the principle of the colony system to prohibit, as much as may be convenient, all trade between the colonies and foreign countries; but when policy requires the trade to be opened, to allow the vessels of foreign countries, the reciprocal right of being employed in it. The trade, when opened, ceases to be a fit subject for the application of those rules, by which portions of the same empire are governed. Other powers then become parties to the terms, by which it is to be carried on. It stands precisely on the footing of any other trade, and differs in no essential

principle from the trade, now carried on between the United States and the British ports in Europe. In both, the privilege, claimed for the American vessel, must be founded on reason, equal rights and common justice, and the attempt in either, to confine the carrying of the articles, sold or exchanged, to British vessels, is nothing less than an endeavour to make our productions tributary to the growth and protection of British navigation, at the expense of our own, and should be opposed by every consideration of interest, of honour, and of safety.

"But if the principle assumed by Mr. Canning, is unsound, the application of this principle is not less injurious. For more than thirty years we have been admitted to this trade. The terms of admission, more or less liberal at different periods of our history, have, during this time, been the subject of amicable negotiation. The professed object of both governments has been to place it upon a footing of liberal reciprocity, and the only question in all the negotiations for the last ten years has been - what are the terms, which would be equal and reciprocal? During this long interval, thousands of our citizens, confiding in the continuance of a trade, believed to be necessary to the one, and beneficial to the other, and anticipating a speedy termination of differences, arising from points of a secondary importance, have embarked their capital in its prosecution. In the midst, however, of a suspended negotiation, at the very moment, when a new appointed minister was on his way, charged with instructions to terminate this controversy, on the terms proposed by Great Britain herself, without notice to our government, and without being anticipated by our citizens, a British order is issued, closing the West India ports against American vessels, at the same time, they are opened to the vessels of other powers. Our citizens are suddenly thrown out of employments, into which they were seduced by the pacific relations of the two countries, and are compelled at a loss, which none but merchants can understand, to direct their capital and their enterprise to new pursuits. There was nothing in the intercourse between the two countries, nothing in the liberal views, which were previously professed,-nothing in the common interest, by which, at the present period, the United States and England should be closely united, to justify so unexpected and so unjust a measure. Since, however, this measure has been adopted, it becomes our duty to meet it."

In this whole negotiation the United States had this object in view. To obtain an admission, as in the ports of the mother country in Europe-to have their vessels and cargoes subject to no higher duties, than those of the mother country and the colonies themselves,—and, on leaving the islands, to have permission to go to any part of the world.

The British sought to confine America to a direct trade, to obtain for the vessels of the mother country the chance of a double freight, and to protect the productions and the navigation of the North American colonies.

If these objects are compared, it will, at once, be seen how extremely difficult any arrangement becomes.*

* The direct trade, being forbidden by statute and orders in council, has become a circuitous one, the colonial possessions of other European powers being employed, as places either of depot or transfer. This necessarily adds to the cost of freight, though it may not diminish the amount of the business. The trade may go to the Spanish islands, paying a duty of two per cent. for the benefit of drawback, and to the Danish and Swedish islands, under treaties lately concluded, without any charge.



Barbary powers no longer formidable-Mediterranean always subject to piracies-Remarkable sea-Celebrated in all ages-Power of cor sairs diminished—Once very great-No proper diplomatic intercourse-Regencies dependent in a degree on Porte-Morocco independent-Before Revolution trade protected by England- Trade considerable-American vessels taken by Algerines in '85-Slavery mild in the East-Slaves article of traffic-Government attentive to trade, but poor and weak-Different modes of dealing with Corsairs-Tribute-Force-Treaty with Morocco-Suffered little from that state-Algiers, prince of pirates-Piracy, monopoly of government-Often bombarded—To little purpose-Rates of ransom-Government too poor to pay-Captives long detained-Mathurins-Aƒfair not honourable to this country-Indebted to Corsairs for navy— Treaty Very expensive-Frigate Washington carries Algerine ambassador to Constantinople—Algiers only country that ever declared war against United States-War of 1812-Unlucky time for DeySquadron sent to Algiers-Makes treaty and abolishes tribute-Tripoli-Navy first distinguished there-Treaty-Expedition of Eaton -Pashaw Hamet-Ill used-Treaty made by Lear-Too hasty— Article never communicated to government—Davis receives Hamet's family-Tunis-Near Carthage-Remarks respecting Turks-Ruins in East more interesting than in Europe-Regencies, but one want-Money-System in regard to Corsairs honourable to government and navy.

THE trade of the country being no longer exposed to molestation, the Barbary powers have ceased to awaken alarm, even to attract attention. But the early transactions of this people with the piratical governments of that coast merit any other appellation than honourable, as our

commerce enjoyed any other advantage than security. To that class of measures, the government from weakness has been compelled to pass over in silence, or to trust to time and accidents, or to a chaffering, hesitating policy for relief or redress, belongs the intercourse with the Corsair states. We now reflect on them with composure, only from a deep conviction, that the condition of things in this country left unhappily in most cases, neither choice nor remedy.

The Mediterranean, the most remarkable sea on the surface of the globe, is not the less so for the states, by which it is enclosed. On one border, we find the most ancient, on another the most polished people, of which history has left us any traces, and on the rich and beautiful territory, that projects far across it, stood the deep foundations of the most powerful as well as most extensive empire of antiquity. On the other hand, the shores of this sea have, from the earliest times, furnished an ample and lucrative commerce to the less fortunate nations, placed beyond the pillars of Hercules. Still, as if to lend more effect and relief to these surprising advantages, the bays and islands of the Mediterranean have, in all ages, been vexed, to an extreme degree, by pirates and freebooters. No scenes are more celebrated in poetry, modern or ancient ;-none possess a beauty of a milder and more picturesque kind than the haunts and resorts of these corsairs, where, indeed, may be traced the track of the hero of more than one epic. At periods when nations, inhabiting those shores, have been most polished or powerful, piracies have not less existed, though it may be observed, they abounded in proportion to the corrupt factions and disorganized state of the population along its borders. The expedi

tion of the great Pompey against the pirates was not only one of the most considerable armaments, ever equipped by Rome, but the undertaking, itself, is accounted by the biographer of that celebrated man, among his most conspicuous achievements.

We can only say, that the piracies of the Mediterranean, never entirely subdued, though perpetually assailed, are one of those moral phenomena, (of which a great many certainly

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