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tuitous concessions might be deemed, the questions, whether they affected its independence or not, would rest upon the nature of the concessions themselves. The idea meant to be conveyed was, that the reservation of an indefinite right to grant hereafter special favours to Spain for the remuneration of her claims of sovereignty, left it uncertain, whether the independence of Buenos Ayres would be complete or imperfect, and it was suggested with a view to give the opportunity to the supreme Director of explaining his intentions in this respect, and to intimate to him that while such an indefinite right was reserved, an acknowledgment of independence must be considered as premature. This caution was thought the more necessary, inasmuch as it was known that, at the same time, while the supreme Director was insisting upon this reservation, a mediation between Spain and her colonies had been solicited by Spain, and agreed to by the five principal powers of Europe, the basis of which was understood to be a compromise between the Spanish claim to sovereignty and the colonial claim to independ ence."
We shall not longer detain the reader with an account of Mr. de Forrest's application, particularly as he "declares himself unauthorized to agitate or discuss the question with regard to the recognition of Buenos Ayres as an independent nation." Some observations, however, may be proper with reference to circumstances alleged by him, as arguing that a consul general may be accredited without acknowledging the independence of the government from which he has his appointment. The consul of the United States, who has resided at Buenos Ayres, had no other credential than his commission. It implied no recognition by the United States of any particular government, and it was issued before the Buenos Ayres declaration of independence, and while all the acts of the authorities there were in the name of the King of Spain.
"During the period, while this government declined to receive M. de Onis as the minister of Spain, no consul received an exequatur under a commission from the same authority. The Spanish consuls, who had been received before the contest for the government of Spain had arisen, were suffered to continue the exercise of their functions, for which no new recognition was necessary. A similar remark may be made with regard to the inequality alleged by Mr. de Forrest to result from the admission of Spanish consuls
officially to protest before our judicial tribunals, the rights of Spanish subjects generally, while he is not admitted to the same privileges with regard to those of the citizens of Buenos Ayres. The equality of rights, to which the two parties to a civil war are entitled in their relations with neutral powers, does not extend to the rights, enjoyed by one of them by virtue of treaty stipulations, contracted before the war, neither can it extend to rights, the enjoyment of which essentially depends upon the issue of the war. That Spain is a sovereign and independent power, is not contested by Buenos Ayres and is recognised by the United States, who are bound by treaty to receive her consuls. Mr. de Forrest's credential letter, asks that he may be received by virtue of a stipulation, in supposed articles concluded by Mr. Worthington, which he was not authorized to make, so that the reception of Mr. de Forrest, upon the credential on which he founds his claim, would imply a recognition not only of the government of the supreme Director Puerreydon, but a compact as binding upon the United States, which is a mere nullity.
"Consuls are, indeed, received by the government of the United States from acknowledged sovereign powers, with whom they have no treaty. But the exequatur for a consul general can obviously not be granted without recognising the authority from whom his appointment proceeds as sovereign. The consul,' says Vattel (book ii. chap. 2. § 34) is not a public minister; but as he is charged with a commission from his sovereign, and received in that quality by him, where he resides, he should enjoy, to a certain extent, the protection of the law of nations.'
"If from this state of things, the inhabitants of Buenos Ayres cannot enjoy the advantage of being officially represented before the courts of the United States by a consul, while the subjects of Spain are entitled to that privilege, it is an inequality, resulting from the nature of the contest, in which they are engaged, and not from any denial of their rights, as parties to a civil war. The recognition of them, as such, and the consequent admission of their vessels into the ports of the United States operates with an inequality against the other party to that contest and in their favour."
An application, made the same year from Venezuela, was speedily disposed of. We shall present a relation of this transaction in the words of the parties.
"Most Excellent Sir,-Having been appointed by the government of the Republic of Venezuela its representative near the United States of North America, I have the honour to inform you of my arrival in this city, for the purpose of discharging the trust committed to me: To effect this I have to request, that you will be pleased to inform me, at what time it will be convenient for you to afford me an opportunity of presenting my respects to you personally, and of communicating to you the object of my arrival in the federal city. I have, &c.
"LINO DE CLEMENTE. "Washington, 11th December, 8th year of the Republic, A. D.
"The Secretary of State of the U. S. North America."
"Sir,-Your note of the 11th inst. has been laid before the President of the United States, by whose directions I have to inform you, that your name having been avowedly affixed to a paper, drawn up within the United States, purporting to be a commission to a foreign officer for undertaking and executing an expedition, in violation of the laws of the United States, and, also, to another paper avowing that act, and otherwise insulting to this government, which papers have been transmitted to Congress by the message of the President of the 25th of March last, I am not authorized to confer with you, and that no further communication will be received from you at this department.
"I am, with due consideration, sir, your very obedient servant." A dissolution of old governments, especially those of a corrupt and oppressive description, turns loose a set of pirates and adventurers to waste and plunder the legitimate commerce of neutral nations. A revolution collects them, as the dead body of a jaguar or crocodile draws together the condors and other carrion birds of prey in South America. With the patriot flag at their mast head, and in the name of liberty and independence pillaging, and often murdering the peaceable trader, who meets with a buccaneer under the banner, that he welcomed as the emblem of a free and rising republic. To this sort of patriotism we are indebted for the establishments of Amelia Island, Galvezton and Barrataria, in which the Cacique of Poyas, citizen Gregor
McGregor, brigadier general of the armies of the United Provinces of New Granada and Venezuela, and Don Lewis Aury, citizen of the new republics of Mexico and New Granada, commodore in the navy of the said republic, figured in a conspicuous manner. Some of these persons appear
to have been furnished with a sort of commission from the government, above mentioned, to effect a revolution in the Floridas, but it was probably an enterprise, concerted by individuals, and for purposes, that would not much have promoted the cause of freedom in any portion of the globe. At any rate, the enterprize was disavowed by the governments of Buenos Ayres and Venezuela, and arrangements having been notoriously entered into in the United States, equally in violation and in defiance of positive laws, a suitable force was employed to dispossess the invaders.
We have now reached the tenth year of this war in South America for independence. Those, who have looked into the relation of events there, will be persuaded, we have no doubt, that the full and happy accomplishment of the great object, for which those people contended, was not retarded a single hour by the power of the mother country. The remark is probably more true of that portion of the continent than of this, that when the revolution began, it was neither the general expectation nor intention in any of the provinces that it should end in a separation. In the outset, the necessity of self-government was forced upon them by the situation of the Metropole; and from about the years 1808 and '9, to the year 1821, a contest of the most mixt and singular character raged there, partaking of great vicissitudes, occasionally of a slight, feeble and long remitted resistance, but chiefly protracted and envenomed by cruel and profligate conflicts and commotions.
"Without travelling through a historical detail of events, it will be sufficient to observe, that in Chili as in Buenos Ayres, the moving causes of the revolution were not the oppressions of the Spanish monarchy. The people of Chili were not first awakened by persecutions and sufferings to a sense of their power and their rights, they had always been quiet for more than two centuries
and an half. The united vigilance and cares of church and state had tamed every restless spirit and checked every wayward thought. The rulers and the pastors of the people had diligently removed every hope of liberty, and passive obedience had become a habit. When the wars, arising out of the French revolution, involving and disturbing all the nations of Europe, overwhelmed the peninsula of Spain, drove the ancient dynasty from the throne, produced a struggle for the sceptre and broke loose at once those carious bonds of mere prejudice and superstition, which held the various parts of that great monarchy together, such was the state of the mother country, that it was manifest the colonies could no longer be governed as formerly. Each one consequently, began calmly to think of self-government, not as a matter, to which he had been excited and persecuted, nor in a spirit of rebellion, but as a deplorable act of necessity in obedience to a melancholy fatality, which had rent asunder the several parts of a great empire, that had been, until then, so quietly and happily united."
Disappointment has, undoubtedly, been felt at the slow, uncertain progress of this revolution, but in the history of civilized people we meet with few cases of more deplorable servitude both mental and of the body;-a whole population, wasting and pining away in wretched ignorance, and most cruel inability to profit of the singular advantages, a rich and beautiful country afforded them on every side. Throughout this whole continent there was not a newspaper, nor a periodical publication, except of a scientific kind, and the authors allowed, were confined to the straitest rule of the Roman Index.* Humboldt seemed to think the whole people absorbed in a contemplation of the jaguars, crocodiles, earthquakes; of the different races of musquitoes, that succeeded each other at stated periods night and day, and the journeys of the king between the Escurial and St. Ildefonso. No one is surprised, that the people of the United States, in whose bone and muscle liberty and freedom of enquiry were born and bred, engaged from the very first steps, set by the puritans on these inhospitable shores, in continued discussions,
* Robinson Crusoe was among the prohibited books; it is difficult to give a reason; few works are founded in a better moral.