control is artificial, and so far rests al most solely on force.

Thrace presents quite another problem. In spite of Bulgarian efforts to prove the contrary, the truth seems to be that the population of Thrace is divided about equally between Turks and Greeks. But Thrace possesses an interest for Bulgaria quite other than ethnological. It has belonged to Bulgaria since the first Balkan War, and there lay the richest tobacco fields of the country. In addition, in Thrace was the country's principal Ægean port, Dedeagatch, with all that that means in intercourse with the Western world to an intelligent and thoroughly awakened people.

When I was in Bulgaria, in September, feeling ran bitterly against the Greeks, coupled with the determination to win back the territory. The town of Smyrna is predominantly Greek, but the hinterland is ninety per cent Turkish. Certainly the method of Greek occupation was not such as to induce either Turks or Greeks to welcome it, not to speak of the atrocities committed in Smyrna itself, for which there was perhaps justification. The whole Aidin Valley was laid waste, without a single village, or indeed a house, from Ayazoulouk to Omerlu, that was not destroyed. In the Meander Valley, one of the richest in Turkey, the villages were all completely wrecked, including the city next in size to Smyrna. This proc ess of dividing the Turkish Empire has resulted in destruction of property, loss of life, violation of women, and at least thirty thousand people becoming refugees by December, 1919.

VENIZELOS AND THE ALLIES

Greece is holding this long line extending from the Adriatic in the west to the southern Smyrna district in the east, a distance of four hundred and fifty miles, with an army of about two hundred thousand men. Each section has its own problems, but all united in common bitter opposition to the Greeks, and many claim that Venizelos will yet rue the day when he took over Thrace. The speech he made in 1913, in the Chamber of Deputies, declaring that those who urged taking Thrace for Greece were the true enemies of their country, is often quoted against him to-day.

But, although I made every effort to investigate the charges against him and talked with many leaders of the Constantine party in Athens, I am bound to say that in every concrete charge which was brought to my attention, when the facts all came out, right seemed to lie with Venizelos. That is not to say that errors have not been committed. But Venizelos is not afraid of the truth and is content to let his record stand on its merits. He has a way of startling you with the simple truth when it would seem that subter

fuge would have helped him more, which is characteristic of the great man that he is.

He is charged with having overstepped his authority in inviting English and French troops to enter Salonika, and again in asking them to intervene in Athens in the internal affairs of the country. History will decide whether Venizelos or the King had the true interests of the country most at heart, but there can be no question that if the Venizelos policies indorsed by the people were to be put through he must have had help from his allies, for the King possessed absolute power to block their performance.

What would have happened in our Revolution if Washington had not sought and obtained aid from France? And yet no one calls Washington a traitor for having done so. There is an analogy in the two cases worth noting.

The reaction from the extreme laudation of Venizelos in the Western world has set in, but it is only fair to ask what the results of the Venizelos policies have been for his country.

the purchasing value of normal times, but it is relatively higher than the money of any country I visited last summer. This is attributed to the wise financial policy of the Government during the war; to the large sums sent home every year by Greeks in the United States, which last year amounted to 200,000,000 drachmas; to the large earnings of the merchant marine, and to the expenditures for the Allied armies in the country.

Further evidence of the increasing prosperity of the country can be seen in the number of new banks established and the great increase in deposits, while the International Finance Commission, brought into being at the conclusion of the Greco-Turkish War in 1898, and having supervision of the sale of salt, petroleum, matches, playing cards, stamped paper, emery from Naxos, tobacco, and of the custom duties at certain ports, reported that their receipts. last year were greater than during any year of the life of the Commission and double those of 1914.

In an effort to extend this prosperity to the agricultural classes, laws have been enacted by which the large estates have been broken up, the former owners being indemnified by the state according to the findings of an expert commission, and the state in turn sells to peasants, on easy terms and at a low rate of interest, only so much as each can till with his own hands.

These are but the beginnings of the changes contemplated by the nationbuilder in order that the foundations may be wisely laid for that expansion of power and influence which many see be

Ex

Skutari

THASOS

Kavala SALONIKI

Patras

MEDITERRANEAN

GREECE 1914

Territory Gained 1920

MITYLENE

8

CHIOS

SEA

Enos

allipoli

SAMOS

مل

Do

SMYRNA

ނ

RHODES

fore the Greek people. They need, above all things, peace in which to prepare for that future, and that is what their

wisest man said to me when I asked him about his plans for the future. "Peace," he said. "To get peace

for Greece in order that the country may become normal and stable." ELEANOR MARKELL.

MERICANS are puzzled at the significance of the recent industrial happenings in Italy.

revo

These economic disturbances should not be called "strikes," even less " lution," for normal life existed to the very doors of the factories, the children playing in the street, near-by shops open, cafés doing a thriving business, and trolley cars running day and night in front of the building over whose door was hoisted a little red rag of warning, not larger than those used by train signal-men in America. You can imagine, then, how I felt when, shortly after landing, I was shown a copy of a leading New York daily with the following cablegram:

London, Oct. 12.... The Bolshevist Tribunal sentenced to death Mario Sonzino, President of the National Association of Turin, and Constantino Rimula, a prison official. They were sentenced to be burned alive, according to the despatches, but as the fires in the furnaces had been put out they were shot and their bodies were thrown into the street.

Such "chamber of horrors" affairs were entirely foreign to Italian happenings.

What did happen in Italy was simply a sudden, systematic, and obviously illegal "lock-in" or forcible occupation of all steel factories and mills and allied industries on the part of the workers, who refused to vacate them until the Government, which had become the arbiter of the dispute, recognized the principle of inter-factory and intra-factory co-operation between employers and employees.

Three questions will present themselves to the mind of the American reader:

1. Why did the workers, who have

all sorts of political affiliations, carry out their struggle under the leadership of Socialistic elements, thus giving to their movement all the appearances of a political upheaval ?

2. Why did the workers single out the steel factories (which required the greatest amount of coal, and were therefore most unfit to resist outside boycott) and only sporadically other plants?

3. Why did the workers begin, as it were, at the end, by forcible seizure, instead of formulating first a series of demands, and only resorting to the most extreme measure in case these demands were denied?

WHY THE LEADERSHIP WAS SOCIALIST

Italy entered the war, unprepared, in May, 1915. She was helped in mainly by Nationalist elements. A tremendous impetus to the infantile steel industry had to be given. The country must therefore close both eyes to the abuses which were taking place in the steel factories-profiteering by the employers and exemption from active service for their families and protégés. The Socialists emphasized these illegalities, created dissatisfaction, helped (if not actually brought about) the Caporetto disaster in 1917, through a moraledestroying process. But, with the country invaded, Italy in 1918 silenced the Socialists and ended the war at Vittorio Veneto, after a year of intensive manufacturing of all material and consequent leniency toward the rapacity of factory managers and owners. The Peace Conference, however, gave an opportunity for vengeance to the Socialists; they joined hands with the Jugoslavs, with Mr. Wilson, and with the politicians of certain Allied lands. The Nationalist party in Italy lost a considerable share

of its prestige. That left three large political groups in the arena:

(1) The Conservatives lack, as a party, the vigor which they show in individual initiative; they have a large parliamentary representation, but no nation-wide popular machine behind.

(2) The Popular party has turned out to be merely one more of those hybrid attempts at reconciliation of Roman Church and Italian State.

(3) The Socialist party, ever more strong, reinforced by the natural reaction against war of a small country steadily bled for four years.

It stands to reason that any group of Italians seeking active, energetic political support in a country where divisions take place not along industrial but along political lines must necessarily hitch its wagon to the Socialist party.

WHY THE WORKERS SINGLED OUT
THE STEEL INDUSTRY

Meanwhile, a fairly serious economie situation had developed in Italy. The rivals who could not curb her territorially began to apply economic pressure. The exchange situation became critical. Railway material was infinitesimal. Tonnage was scarce. Austria had nothing more to give, and Italy's share of Germany's indemnity was placed at the pitiful total of ten per cent of the whole. Emigration was at its lowest ebb for a number of reasons. British coal was slow to come; the British miners were not working overtime. Sarre Valley coal was just as slow; the German miners would not work under Frenchified Senegalese and Annamites. American travelers were given to understand by an Administration press which could not forget Fiume, and by the "See America First" interests, which intensified their campaign on the eve of the July exodus, that Italy should not be visited, the specious pretext being offered that the Wilson ukases on Adriatic matters would cause tourists to be annoyed by public resentment. Thus another important source of income was denied to Italy. The entire country felt itself, a few months ago, under the menace of an impending disaster. Something would go to the wall soon; what would be the first industry? The steel industry, of course. Let it be clearly understood that this industry is necessarily artificial in Italy, a country possessing little iron (and that little not on the continent, but in the island of Elba) and no coal. (Coal was worth 730 lire a ton in Italy when I sailed away.) When there raged a

World War, the steel industry was safe. When there were rumors of Adriatic disturbances, the steel industry was fairly safe. But when the world quieted down, the steel workers began to fear, and clamored for the right to know what the status of their breadgiving industry was. A lockout might come any day; therefore they wanted to know where they stood. Backed by the Socialists, to whom all labor had come for temporary leadership tending toward an immediate economic result, they asked for the right of controllo of the books of their firms; that is, for the privilege of checking up, verifying, and the like-not "controlling" in the sense of the word given to it by high. finance, which makes it tantamount to holding a majority of the stock of a company. The men were denied this right; whereupon their Socialist leaders sent around the word: The steel industry would be the first to be made to feel labor's new force. This answer question number two.

WHY THE FACTORIES WERE SEIZED

But why not follow the usual factory methods-strike, slowing up, sabotage; ultimately, appeal to the Government? The Socialist Deputies knew too much. The steel magnates would have asked for nothing better at a time when a crisis was impending than a strike or any excuse for dismissal or punishment. And the Government of Italy is at present more to be pitied than blamed; it has piled up so many unfulfilled promises that it can hardly move under their weight, and would surely have ended the dispute by a statement that "the guilty, never mind how erful or numerous, will be apprehended and dealt with to the full extent of the law;" after which nothing would have happened. By the occupation of the factories, on the contrary, the Government was prevented from postponing the question to a vague future and the employers were prevented from applying the lockout. (Answer to question number three.)

pow

The least enviable position of all was that of the technical experts, who were often threatened with expulsion by both employers and employees in case they did not take sides. Their attitude had to be very cleverly opportunistic; most of the technical experts with whom I came in contact had told the occupying workmen that they had no objection to working for them against the will of the employers, but only after the Government had sanctioned their occupa tion of the factories.

EXIT LENINE

The possession of unaccustomed power was sure to create a split within the ranks of Socialistic leaders. And the split came in a most theatrical way when Nikolai Lenine ordered the Italian proletariat to begin a revolution

A CROWD IN FRONT OF A FACTORY SEIZED BY THE WORKERS. IN MOST CASES THE MARKET VALUE OF THE STOCK OF THE COMPANIES THUS SEIZED BY THE EMPLOYEES WAS PRACTICALLY UNAFFECTED. IT WAS A "LOCK-IN" TO SECURE CO-OPERATION BETWEEN EMPLOYERS AND EMPLOYEES

-the revolution. That automatically created a fourfold split: a small minority wished to follow Lenine; another small group declared itself theoretically in favor of the revolution, but practiin favor of the revolution, but practically unable to carry it out until the "comrades" in other lands had guaranteed support; most of the other Socialists simply refused to listen to the proposal; and the rank and file of laborers hastened to unhitch their economic chariot from the political one of the Socialists, and brought such pressure to bear that it became evident that a compromise was a matter of but a few days.

It was then that the country witnessed, not without merriment, the spectacle of the extreme wing of the Socialist party begging Giolitti to reopen Parliament. But Giolitti was not fooled by this request. He would settle the matter then and there; and he called a conference in Rome between the representatives of the warring factions.

By the date of the conference the basis of the final accord was plainly in view. The employers knew that the strict interpretation of the law, which would have made 500,000 men guilty would have made 500,000 men guilty of occupying property not their own, would be laughed out of court by a Premier so openly cynical that he dared tell the correspondent of the Associated Press that an action when committed

by half a million men cannot be judged by a government as if it had been committed by five men. And the Socialists knew that Lenine had wrecked them by starting the attack far too soon, and by ordering from abroad a political movement which, even in the case of Socialists, should have come only from home

sources.

The Committee which is to submit to Parliament the proposal for "democratization of Italian industry " will consist of twelve members, of whom four are employers, four employees, and four representatives "of the technical and managerial element in industry "-two of the last named to be elected by factory hands and two by employers. That is very clever policy, for in reality the balance of power rests with these four neutral individuals who desire, more than anything else, that the factory should work, for they can neither cross their arms and go fishing like the employers nor expect to be fed by a Bolshevist state like the factory hands.

But the real victory has been won by the people by the millions who are neither steel magnates nor factory hands nor Socialist agitators. If the Socialists wish to make another political jump, they will have to turn to Lenine. This the mass of sober-thinking Italian wage-earners is neither ready nor willing to do. BRUNO ROSELLI.

E

VERY axiom of life based upon human experience, such as "What goes up must come down," requires a good deal of successful contradiction before man loses his prejudice and veneration therefor. Vaudeville performers receive high pay for their ability to contradict laws of nature that the rest of us have long deemed it necessary to obey. When the telephone first made its appearance and achieved the impossible, it was to some a mere theatrical performance to be marveled over by the spectators generally; but to the men of vision it was discerned to be an instrument that would become of value to civilization.

And now, flying-the swiftest means of transportation ever known to mankind-has come to be stared at for a while, to be received and acclaimed as a new marvel of daring by the mass of onlookers, while to the few the possibilities of aviation promise to surpass at a bound the familiar achievements of the mundane vehicles, and to give mankind a new standard of speed and economy in travel.

The danger of flying is its greatest enemy. The manufacturer who has airplanes to sell, the insurance man who estimates the risk his company runs, the eager youth who urges his old-fashioned parent to buy a family plane, the passenger who would give a thousand to find himself in Chicago before night but hesitates and balks at taking his seat between the outspread wings-all appreciate that flying is dangerous, and no amount of camouflage will remove that impression from their minds. For they think only of possible catastrophes.

What goes up must come down. Falling bodies drop earthward at a speed of sixteen feet the first second, thirty feet the next second, and so on, with sickening mathematical precision.

Almost every week the newspapers tell of the tragic crash of an airplane and the end of some gallant pilot. "Not for me!" concludes Mr. Average Citizen. "I wouldn't go up in one of those things for a million dollars!"

66

But is flying dangerous? In a matter of such evident importance to humanity it is well to look at the prospect thought fully. Let us study the figures of several of the largest aerial transportation companies that are engaged in passengercarrying and mathematically compute the risks of airplane travel to-day-today, while the airplanes and landingfields are as crude as are the De Witt Clinton locomotive and coaches now on exhibition in New York which operated on the first railway tracks in 1846 between Albany and Troy. Common fairness must concede that improvements in air travel will come as certainly as they came in railway travel.

In a single fortnight recently two machines owned and operated by two young ex-Navy fliers carried a total of 637 passengers about the cities of the Atlantic seaboard, and without a single casualty or accident. Another company in California has been engaged in carrying passengers throughout the twelve months of the year, and has yet to record its first accident of any description. A gentleman residing at Southampton, Long Island, took up over two hundred of his fellow-townsmen on one Saturday this summer, running his Saturday this summer, running his machine into the hangar at the close of the long day's work and going in to change for dinner with the same nonchalance of the thousands of motorists who completed their outing on that day.

WHY AIRPLANES FALL AND WHY

A mathematical computation on these American figures gives the student a surprisingly easy hundred per cent surprisingly easy hundred per cent

score as far as passenger-carrying is concerned. He begins to conclude that our newspapers lean rather heavily on the tragic side of flying, since the bulk of news items concerning aviation record only frightful fatalities. A careful analysis of these news items would disclose to him the fact that nine-tenths of these fatalities, roughly estimated, are caused by two minor and unnecessary factors of flying-one subjective, the other objective, and both avoidable. One is stunt flying, voluntarily performed by a risk-loving pilot; the other is consenting to fly through fogs or stormy weather where one's sense of direction is lost and the machine suddenly comes in contact with a mountain or a tree standing up from its crest. Avoid stunt flying and fog flying, and airplane fatalities will actually show a lower percentage than automobile fatalities per machine.

From London to Paris a daily airplane schedule has been steadily maintained now for over eighteen months. In the first twelve months over one hundred thousand passengers were carried by one line, with but one fatal accident, resulting in the death of the pilot and his passenger, a New York banker. This accident was due to colliding with a tree while flying through the fog. In the land of the Germans, our late enemies, fourteen established passenger-carrying lines are in operation. Figures as to accidents are lacking, but evidence is not lacking that these air lines are profitable and are being multiplied. For, as the sage Chancellor remarked, "The develop ment of our commercial aviation provides war machines ready to hand."

In all fairness, then, is flying danger ous? Not stunt flying nor fog flying nor fool flying, but just plain every-day sensible flying. Is flying dangerous? You must take the word of experienced pilots

for it, until you overcome your prejudice and try it for yourself and find that it really isn't dangerous a bit. There are rash, impetuous pilots by the score in this country who have flown their thousands of hours in the air. And except in Army flying circles, where necessity compels taking chances, I am happy to say that stunt flying is becoming more and more shunned and frowned upon by the peace-time flier.

As for storms and fogs, one can fly through them if one wishes, but a safety first principle will frequently save lives if one heeds the warning. Once in, it is difficult to get out. Landing-fields are not yet provided in out-of-the-way places. But one can always fly back to a landing-field, and, if worse comes, it is better to have a wrecked machine than a wrecked machine plus broken bones.

Lieutenant Plumb, who was one of the first to complete the transcontinental race between New York and San Francisco last fall, flew with a passenger through one of the most remarkable storms ever weathered by airplane in a flight he made from San Antonio to El Paso, Texas. His account of this flight is not only thrilling and interesting as a story of adventure, but it illustrates in no ordinary manner the actual strength of the airplane of to-day to withstand the severest buffeting of storms.

"On Friday, June 4, at 11:16 A.M.," began Lieutenant Plumb, "I left Kelly Field in a D.H. 4-B. (De Haviland two-seater machine, capable of 130 miles per hour) with Chauffeur Hoffman as passenger, in a flight to El Paso. I dodged a number of light rain storms in Beal County and Edwards County, but on the course half-way between Del Rio and Sanderson we encountered a severe storm with the rain concentration at three thousand feet altitude. It fell in great quantities, with much display of lightning.

IN THE CENTER OF A CYCLONE

"Upon observation, I noticed that the sky in all the northwest was of a very deep blue and very dark. It looked like a great storm sweeping down from the northwest. I soon encountered the first leg of this storm, which extended as far west as the Rio Grande and was moving southeast at the rate of twenty miles an hour. I swung below this leg, got under it, and soon saw Sanderson basking in the sunlight.

"Sanderson had been hit by this storm, for I saw the water standing in large pools on the airdrome. As Marfa was my next objective, I decided to push on without stopping. When about thirty miles ahead, I saw another leg of the big storm standing directly across my course. Straight in front of me was a gap in the blackness that looked about wide enough to drive two airplanes through, wing to wing.

"We went through a light drizzle as we entered this gap, and then we entered an arena and witnessed a scene that I dare to say the human eye has never witnessed before. Inside the gap, which was some fifteen miles off my direct course, we found ourselves in the very heart and center of a cyclonic storm. Heavy black clouds hung restlessly below us at an altitude of one thousand feet.

"I was driving along among the mountains at the north end of the Santiago Range, which rises up into peaks of six thousand feet or more, known as the Elephant, Coinega, the Goat, etc. I could see their peaks extending up through the boiling, coiling masses of black clouds. I noticed that ahead and all around me the rain was pouring down heavily, with tremendous discharges of lightning all about us and above us.

"The air currents seemed to be circling. Then they began to boil, tossing the airplane about the heavens like a chip on rough water. Then I realized that the situation was becoming very hazardous, for I knew that I had but a little clearance above and between some of these high crags and mountains.

"Sometimes the summer air of Texas

is very rough and bumpy above mountains and cities, but my present situation was nothing to be compared with those easy bumps. On one occasion the plane was thrown into a position literally a bank beyond the vertical. If this had happened a moment sooner, we would have been hurled against the wall of a mountain. But it happened just after we had emerged over a deep valley, where I was able to correct the stability of the plane after a fall of some five hundred feet. This brought us close to the rocks and brushwood below.

A LOFTY HELL-HOLE

"As the rain was closing in now on all sides and the cyclonic movement of the air was becoming more threatening, I decided to turn back and try to fight my way back through the gap of the mountains. But on passing between two mountains to reach the easternmost side of the circle, I was horror-stricken. to find that the storm had welded together at the very gap through which I had come. Each part of the horizon now seemed as black as the rest. And this hell-hole was now closing up upon us like a writhing nest of mad serpents. "I set everything ready for my final