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The whole affair was a considerable blow to the amour-propre of the Bostonians, who are now making strenuous efforts to induce all the English residents to become naturalised American citizens, and so restore the equilibrium and outvote the Irish once more.

Nevertheless, it is undoubtedly true that the feeling in favour of Home Rule is strong in America ; perhaps because they think that, as Mr. Davitt hopes, if it were once granted, the Irish would return en masse to their own country. But more than this, Americans argue

from the success of federation in their own land ; they do not realise that it is one thing for a number of sister States to combine, as they did a century ago, in the face of a common foe, and form themselves into a Federal Republic, and quite another and a very different matter for England to alter her whole Constitution and traditional policy, in order to grant a quasi-independent government to the smaller island across the narrow channel, which she conquered centuries ago, and which has ever since been dependent upon her. At the same time they often acknowledge frankly that the question is one they do not fully understand, and that if the unity of the Empire is ever really at stake, we must follow their example and fight for it at whatever cost. But if the Unionist side of the question is misunderstood in America, it seems to be the fault of the bulk of the Unionists themselves; for, with the usual fatality of Conservatives, they take no sufficient pains to have their views explained in the Transatlantic press. However low an opinion one may hold of the tone of American newspapers, it is obvious that, in default of more direct sources of information, the average American must be dependent upon them for his views on any given subject, and perhaps throughout the whole of the States there are not more than two or three journals which even appear conscious that there may be more than one side to the question, most of the Irish news in the principal papers being in fact supplied by well-known Home Rule Members of Parliament and often signed with their names. Mr. Gladstone's name, too, is still a tower of strength, and the only public men who have crossed the Atlantic to hold meetings and make speeches are supporters of Mr. Gladstone's policy. Whether it is wise to let the many millions of our Transatlantic cousins remain in ignorance on this important matter I leave it to the Unionist leaders to judge.

It is very difficult to tell exactly what is the feeling of Americans towards England. Personally, they are overflowing with kindness and hospitality towards English travellers, but it is said there is a strong anti-English feeling abroad in some quarters, and certainly there is a growing sense of discontent at the numbers of immigrants who yearly flood the country. 'America for the Americans,' is the cry of a party which has adherents both in the East and West. What do we want with 200,000 or 300,000 annually of the worst characters in England and Ireland ? ' they say; and one can hardly wonder at the

question. It is quite conceivable that before very long American ports may be closed against this alarming influx; and then one more outlet of our surplus population 'will be lost to us.

The President's Message to Congress brings prominently before the English public another subject which has for some time received much attention in the United States. To have so much money that you

do not know what to do with it seems at first sight a very pleasing condition of affairs; but practically its results have proved almost as awkward as having too little, and loud complaints have been made of the large excess of the revenue over the expenditure, while ready money in the country was scarce, and trade was suffering in consequence. During our visit to Washington we were shown the large vaults under the Treasury where the coined money is kept. A curious law was passed some years ago- it is said for the benefit of the mine-owners in California-by which the Government is forced to coin every year about $24,000,000 in silver, and this coined silver, besides a large quantity of gold, is therefore lying absolutely idle and useless, packed up in rows upon rows of canvas bags, in vaults into which no thief could possibly penetrate, since the entrance to them is barred by two iron doors of enormous thickness and very singular construction. The lock on each of these doors is of a unique pattern and infinite elaboration-so much so that only one man in the office knows the secret of its complicated machinery, and it therefore requires two special men to unbar the entrance to these fabulous hoards. Each lock also contains a sort of clock-work which can be altered at will, and which absolutely closes the door between certain hours, so that, say, after 6 P.M. and before 10 A.M. the initiated official himself is utterly incapable of entering the vaults. So large is the quantity of money now in the course of accumulation that fresh vaults are being constructed to receive it, but the coinage law is arousing adverse criticism and will perhaps be repealed before long.

There is one characteristic of American democracy which should not be passed over, and that is its tendency to hero-worship. Politics are much more a matter of persons than of principles, and the leader of a political party is a hero to his followers and a monster to his opponents. From heroes to heroines is a short step, and the present President's charming wife is worshipped and set on a pedestal as 'the first lady of the land.' If all hero-worship took such a harmless form as this latest development, there would be little to be said against it; but it is significant that it should spring up in the oldest and most conservative democracy in the world, and is one more proof of the ineradicable tendency of human nature to find some one to look up to and admire, however scrupulously the doors may be shut against an aristocracy, so called.

In the East, especially in Boston, classes are at least as clearly defined and as jealously discriminated as in England, and society gains in refinement and charm what it loses, perhaps, in robustness and breadth. It is a well-established fact, that there is no more fascinating creature to be found anywhere than a thoroughly well-born and well-bred American lady. The petty rules of social life vary considerably in different cities and States; and the fact that there is no overpowering centre like Paris or London to lay down the law for all the 'provinces' gives a good deal of piquant interest to a journey through the States, which is lost in countries where the national life is more centralised. But the general tone of respect and courtesy towards women of all classes is unmistakable, and affords the Americans a legitimate source of pride.

One hears a great deal about the wonders of American luxury, and it is no doubt true that certain modern inventions, such as the telephone, have been brought into much more common and practical household use both in Canada and the States than is at present the case in England. A great deal of housekeeping is done through the telephone, and a lady can order her daily supplies from the butcher, baker, or grocer without leaving her room, and without her tradespeople sending for orders.' In other respects—such e.g. as the use of cut flowers—I do not think there is so much luxury in the New World as with us. They may be bought at extravagant prices for great entertainments, but they are not looked upon as a sine quâ non in every drawing-room or on every dinner-table.

America is still the country for practical inventions of all sorts, but especially for labour-saving apparatus. One huge harvesting machine, lately invented, is not only a reaper and binder, but threshes out the corn from the straw, finally placing the grain in sacks; so that the whole harvesting process is completed while the machine is being drawn through the field by the eighteen or twentyfour horses harnessed to it. Some American inventions have become so familiar in Europe that we almost forget their source. Such, for instance, are the famous “ Pullman sleepers,' known, with various modifications, in different countries as 'wagons-lits,' “Schlaf-wagen,' or sleeping-carriages.' In America they are, in accordance with national custom, less 'private' than in Europe. The sleeping-berths are ranged in long double rows, separated from each other at the head and foot by a thin wooden partition, and from the central passage of the car only by a curtain ; but for those who desire a more luxurious arrangement, there is generally a private compartment at the end of the car known as the drawing-room, which is far more roomy and comfortable than any of the separate compartments in a 'wagon-lit.' In some of the trains there are also capital arrangements as regards food, dining-cars being attached, where excellent meals are provided; or, where the train runs for no great distance, there is often a buffet from which lunch or tea is served in the cars themselves. The long carriages, with a central passage through all, communicate with each other through the whole length of the train, and thus afford facilities which do not exist in the English system for such arrangements as these.

It is difficult to sum up the net result of impressions left on the mind by a hasty journey through Canada and the States—difficult because of the vastness and variety of the subject-matter, because of the similarity and the contrast with our own habits and institutions.

But there is no question that few tours can be much more instructive than the one I have faintly sketched out to a young Englishman who wishes to trace the results of English blood and English tradition transplanted into a new country. If plants and animals alter in colour and shape through changes of soil and climate, we cannot expect our fellow-countrymen to remain exactly like ourselves, at a distance of several thousand miles, under widely different conditions. But we may well be proud that we can claim for brothers and cousins many millions of thriving, energetic Canadians and Americans, who present a spectacle of industry, vigour, and courageous foresight such as the world has never seen before.

EMILY A. ACLAND.

Vol. XXIII.- No. 133.

FF

THE INVASION OF PAUPER

FOREIGNERS.

SIMPLE analysis of the social problems that to-day perplex thinking men and women lead to two equally simple conclusions. The evil is broadly divisible into two parts—(1) the part remediable by society, and (2) that which is essentially incapable of cure. The former is again divisible into two parts-(a) that which can be now attacked and presently dealt with, and (6) that which involves the process of time for ingathering the harvest. The remedies for distress applicable by the State are few; and on the expediency of applying these remedies, opinion, as Lord Salisbury has pointed out, is generally divided. The two measures for the relief of distress with which I am concerned are factors in the same problem. They are the Organisation of a Systematic Scheme for the Colonisation of Agricultural Labourers; and the check of Pauper Immigration into Great Britain from other countries. It is essential to state clearly that neither of these measures, nor both together, can be taken as otherwise than contributions to the solution of the problem created by the baleful magnetism of large towns. Anyone with a panacea must be either a quack or an enthusiast. But although the adoption by Great Britain of the practice obtaining not only in every civilised country in the world, but also in the British democracies across the sea, will not put an end to troubles arising from congested population--the fecundity of the unfit, and the growing severity of industrial competition—there are special reasons at the present moment for looking at the question of unlimited asylum now offered by Great Britain with a fresh eye.

With a population growing at the rate of 320,000 a year it is indisputable that the subjects of emigration and colonisation cannot fail to assume greater national importance in the future than in the past. Differences exist, and will continue to exist, as to whether or not the State should undertake a portion of the work. Whether State-aided colonisation does or does not become an accomplished fact, the exodus of some considerable portion of the population under proper conditions and skilled management is a matter on which the opinion of competent and impartial thinkers is all but unanimous.

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