branches, for our own consumption, and furnish | war. According to this system the colonies

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compatible with, and necessarily to abridge the | the Navigation Act, which she was at liberty equal rights of other states. to do, by opening a direct intercourse between In the late debates of the English Parliament, the colonies and a foreign country, but controlthe minister in the House of Lords stated, | ling, which she had no authority to do, the "that instead of seventeen thousand men, em- reciprocal rights of the United States to employ ployed abroad in 1791, forty-one thousand were their own vessels to carry it on. then (1816) required, exclusive of those that were serving in France and in India. That England now has forty-three principal colonies, in all of which troops are necessary; that sixteen of these principal colonies were acquired since 1791, and six of them had grown into that rank from mere colonial dependencies." And in the House of Commons the minister, alluding to the acquisitions made during the late war with France, said, “that Englard had acquired what, in former days, would have been thought a romance-she had acquired the keys of every great military station.

Colonies, being parts of the nation,* are subject to its regulations, and, according to the practice of Europe, they have been considered as a monopoly of the mother country; but, as has been stated in former discussions of this subject, when an intercourse and trade are once opened between colonies and a foreign country, the foreign country becomes a party, and thereby has a reciprocal claim to employ its own vessels and seamen equally in the intercourse and trade with such colonies, as with any other part of the nation to which they belong.

Governments owe it to the trust confided to them, carefully to watch over, and by all suitable means to promote, the general welfare; and while, on account of a small or doubtful inconvenience, they will not disturb a beneficial intercourse between their own people and a foreign country, they ought not to omit the interposition of their corrective authority, whenever an important public interest is in

Thus the commercial aggrandizement of England has become such, as that the men who protested against monopoly, and devised the Navigation Act to break it down, could never have anticipated. And it may, ere long, concern other nations to inquire whether laws and principles, applicable to the narrow limits of English dominion and commerce, at the date of the Navigation Act, when colonies and commerce, and even navigation itself, were com-vaded, or the national reputation affected.paratively in their infancy; laws and principles aimed against monopoly, and adopted to secure to England her just share in the general commerce and navigation, ought to be used by England to perpetuate in her own hands a system equally as exclusive, and far more comprehensive, than that which she was the chief agent to abolish.

"It is good not to try experiments in states unless the necessity be urgent, or the utility evident; and it is well to beware, that it be the reformation that draweth on the change, and not the desire of change that pretendeth the reformation." In this case the importance of the reformation is seen and acknowledged by every one, and the delay that has occurred in the making of it may call for explanation.

Our commercial system is an open one-our ports and commerce are free to all. We neither We are unable to state with accuracy the possess, nor desire to possess, colonies; nor do tonnage and seamen employed before the revowe object that others should possess them, sub-lution, in the trade between the territories of ject to the ordinary rules and regulations of the colonial system, unless thereby the general commerce of the world be so abridged, that we are restrained in our intercourse with foreign countries wanting our supplies, and furnishing in return, those which we stand in need of.

It is not, however, to the colonial system, but to a new principle, which, in modern times, has been incorporated with those of the Navigation Act, that we now object. According to this act, no direct trade or intercourse can be carried on between a colony and a foreign country; but yet, by the free port bill, passed in the present reign, the English contraband trade, which had been long pursued, in violation of Spanish laws, between the English and Spanish colonies, was sanctioned and regulated by an English act of parliament; and, since the independence of the United States, England has passed laws, opening an intercourse and trade between her West India colonies and the United States, and, excluding the shipping and seamen of the United States, has confined the same to English ships and seamen; thus departing not only from the principles of

the United States and the other English colonies; but it is known to have been a principal branch of the American navigation. The colonies that England has since acquired from France, Spain, and Holland, together with the increased population of the old colonies, require more ships and seamen to be employed in the trade now, than were engaged in it before the independence of the United States. Without reference to the tonnage and trade between the United States and the English West India colonies, during the late wars between England and France, which, by reason of the suspension of the English Navigation Act, and the neutrality of the United States, will not afford a correct standard by which the tonnage and trade in time of peace can be ascertained: our customhouse returns are the best documents that we

* England alone excludes our vessels and scamen from the trade opened between her West India colonies and tho United States. In the same trade between the United States and the colonies of France, Spain, Holland, Denmark, and Sweden, our vessels and seamen are alike employed, as those of the parent countries respectively.

can consult upon this subject. According to a houses, our harbors, and our commerce, from late report from the department of the treas- foreign aggression and violence, a navy is acury, the tonnage employed in this trade during knowledged to be necessary. From the land the year 1816, which may be taken as a pretty side we are safe; against dangers from the fair average, amounted to one hundred and two ocean, a navy will prove to be our cheap, our thousand tons, requiring upwards of five thou-sure, and most efficient defence. Although a sand seamen. There may be some error in this subject of doubt heretofore, this truth is now return, though we are not able to detect it. so well understood, and so universally admitThe magnitude and importance of the shipping ted, that it would be to misspend the time of the and seamen engaged in this trade will be more Senate to enter into its development. readily understood by comparison than other- An efficient navy never has existed, and wise. The tonnage thus employed exceeds the cannot exist, without a commercial marine, and whole tonnage employed by the English East the maritime history of Europe, which abounds India Company in its trade with Asia; is nearly with instruction on this subject, demonstrates a moiety of the American and English tonnage this political truth, that the naval power of employed between the United States and Eng-every nation is in proportion to its ships and land, and her possessions in Europe-is equal seamen. Money may build ships, but the navito the American tonnage employed between gation of the great ocean only can make seathe United States and England, and is almost men; and it is in connection with this view of an eighth part of the whole registered tonnage the subject, that the exclusion of our shipping of the United States. and seamen from the navigation between the United States and the colonies of England, derives its chief importance.

To the loss of profits which would accrue from an equal participation in this trade, may be added the loss of an equal share of the The prosperity and safety of nations are profreights made by the vessels engaged in it-the moted and established, by institutions early and aggregate amount whereof must be equal to wisely adapted to these ends. A navy, being two millions of dollars, annually. Other ad- such an institution, and our experience having vantages are enjoyed by England in the posses-proved its importance, it has become the duty of sion of the exclusive navigation between the United States and her colonies, and between them and England. Freights are made by English vessels between England and the United States; between them and the English colonies, as well as between these colonies and England. English voyages are thus made on the three sides of the triangle, while those of the United States are confined to one side of it; that between the United States and England.

Congress to adopt and to enforce those regulations that are necessary to its efficient establishment. In addition to the protection of the fisheries, none more efficacious can be devised, than such as shall secure to our own shipping and seamen a full participation in the national navigation; thereby shutting out any foreign power from the exclusive enjoyment of a principal branch thereof; a branch that now educates and holds ready for service in the navy of England, and which would educate and hold ready for service in our own navy, were the United States, instead of England, in the possession thereof, a body of several thousand seamen.

But the money value of this great portion of our navigation, claimed and hitherto enjoyed by England, although an object that deserves the public protection, is not the most important view in which the same should be considered by the Senate. We must learn wisdom from But, by passing this act, shall we not cut ourpast times; and while the experience of the selves off from those foreign supplies, which father is too often lost on the son, this ought our habits have rendered indispensable as well not to be the case in the affairs of nations, as desirable? Will not the English colonial which, living from age to age, and profiting by markets for supplies hitherto purchased and long experience, should become wiser as they exported among us, be lost to them? And shall grow older. The present condition of nations, we increase our navigation by adopting the law? and especially that of the inhabitants of our The documents that have been communiown continent, merits our watchful attention,cated to the Senate, by the chairman of the and admonishes us to cherish our national re- Committee of Foreign Relations (Mr. Barbour), sources, and seasonably to devise, and perse-satisfactorily prove, that we are independent veringly to build up, those establishments that of the English colonies for a supply of sugar our present safety demands, and which may be and coffee, for our own consumption; our ancommensurate with our future destiny. nual re-exportation of these articles exceeding

Justice and moderation, which, we confi- the quantity of them annually imported from dently hope, may preside over, and guide our the English colonies: and, in respect to rum, public counsels, have not been found to be a the other article imported from these colonies, sufficient armor for the defence of nations. its exclusion will be the loss to England of its "Wisdom, in the ancient mythology, was rep-best, if not only market; and its place will be resented as armed, because experience had proved, that good examples and noble precepts fail of their efficacy, unaccompanied by a power to enforce them." To defend ourselves, our

readily supplied by other foreign rum and by brandy: or, which is more probable, as well as more desirable, by domestic spirits distilled from grain.

According to the English navigation act, as well as the act of parliament, that departs from it, and opens an intercourse between the English colonies and the United States, we are exAs respects the timber and lumber trade, in- cluded from any share in the navigation between cluding staves and woods, in all the forms in these colonies and the United States. No nowhich we prepare them for exportation, should tice is taken of the occasional relaxation of the no foreign markets be found to supply those, latter act, because, by the double competition which, by the imposition of high duties in Eng-created by the Americans themselves, as sellers land, and those, which, by the passing of this bill, we may lose in the colonies, those who are engaged in this precarious, and, generally, ill paid and unprofitable business, will hereafter confine their supplies to our domestic wants, which are constantly increasing, and to the foreign markets, that are neither affected by Eng-be no longer employed in this service, and the lish duties, nor the bill before us.

been so long deferred? The explanation which | that succeeded, introduced, in lieu thereof, a this question requires, cannot be made without some reference to the history of our communications with England since the peace of 1783, as well as to the views and policy of men and parties, that have in succession influenced our public affairs.

new bill, which became a law, vesting in the king and council authority to make such temporary regulations of the American navigation and trade, as should be deemed expedient.

Sundry orders in council were accordingly American and English vessels, between the United States and Great Britain, were allowed, and, with the exception of fish-oil, and one or two other articles, the produce of the United States, imported into Great Britain, was admitted free, or subject only to the duties payable on the like articles imported in English vessels from the American colonies.

States and the English West India colonies, but with a proviso (the principle of which is still maintained against us), whereby American vessels were excluded, and the whole trade confined to English vessels.

As, according to the laws of England, not-made, whereby a trade and intercourse in withstanding the acknowledgment of our independence, neither trade nor intercourse could be carried on between the United States and her dominions, it became necessary after the treaty of peace to pass some act whereby this trade and intercourse might be opened; a bill for this purpose was therefore introduced into the House of Commons by the administration which concluded the treaty of peace with the An intercourse, and a trade, in enumerated United States. The general scope and provis-articles, were also opened, between the United ions of the bill correspond with the liberal principles which were manifested in that treaty, plainly show that the authors of this bill understood that the true basis of trade and intercourse between nations, is reciprocity of benefit; a foundation on which, alone, the friendly intercourse between men and nations can be permanently established. The preamble of this bill declares "that it was highly expedient that the intercourse between Great Britain and the United States should be established on the most enlarged principles of reciprocal benefit to both | countries," and as, from the distance between them, it would be a considerable time before a treaty of commerce placing their trade and intercourse on a permanent foundation, could be concluded the bill, for the purpose of a temporary regulation thereof, provided, that American vessels should be admitted into the ports of Great Britain, as those of other independent states, and that their cargo should be liable to the same duties only as the same merchandise would be subject to, if the same were the property of British subjects, and imported in British vessels and, further, that the vessels of the United States should be admitted into the English plantations, and colonies, in America, with any articles the growth or manufacture of the United States, and, with liberty to export from such colonies and plantations to the United States any merchandise whatsoever, subject to the same duties only, as if the property of British subjects, and imported or exported in British vessels; allowing, also, the same bounties, drawbacks, and exemptions, on goods exported from Great Britain, to the United States, in American vessels, as on the like exportations in British vessels to the English colonies and plantations. The persons benefited by the Eng-policy concerning the American trade and inlish exclusive system of trade and navigation, became alarmed by the provisions of this bill and earnestly opposed it; and which, after a variety of discussion, was postponed or rejected. About this period, Mr. Pitt, who had supported this bill in the House of Commons, resigned his office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, as his colleagues in Lord Shelburne's administration, had before done. The coalition administration

After a periodical renewal of these orders, for several years, the regulations that they contained were adopted by, and became an act of Parliament. This act was afterwards modified, and rendered conformable to the provisions of Mr. Jay's treaty, the commercial articles of which expired in the year 1803 ;—not long after which date England passed a new act of Parliament concerning the American navigation and trade. This act maintains the exclusion of American vessels from the intercourse between the United States and the English colonies, and confines the same, as former acts and orders in council had done, to English vessels; it repeals the settlement of duties pursuant to Mr. Jay's treaty; and, giving up the policy of the enlarged and liberal system of intercourse which had been proposed in Mr. Pitt's bill, it also repeals such parts of all former acts and orders as admitted the productions of the United States, either free, or on paying the same duties only as were payable on the like articles imported from the English colonies and plantations; and places all articles, the produce of the United States, imported in American vessels, on the same footing as the like articles imported in foreign ships from other foreign countries. This new footing of our trade with England, the importance whereof is well understood by those who are engaged in supplying her markets with masts, spars, timber, naval stores, and pot and pearl ashes, may be regarded as decisive evidence of a complete change of

tercourse; which, however unsatisfactory, as respected the colonial trade, has become more so, by the provisions of this act of Parliament.

The policy that manifested itself in the treaty of our independence, and which is seen in the bill to regulate the trade and intercourse between England and the United States, prepared by the administration that made the treaty of peace, was, by the establishment of trade and