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respect of that country, as the northern powers of Europe, was totally at an end. He would suppose, for argument's sake, that Holland from her prior engagements with this country, was precluded from the benefit she might otherwise derive from acceding to the armed neutrality;-what would that tend to?

invention, frame a pretence for acting as we had done, the factious in Holland could never have dared to shew the least predilection for France or America. Upon the whole, therefore, he was firmly persuaded, that the resolution of going to war, agreeably to the terms of the manifesto, ought to be immediately, if not rescinded, at least, taken into re-consideration, and if no better grounds of hostility should be the result of a more particular inquiry, that their lordships would be bound to order immediate satisfaction to be given for the injury already sustained by Holland, and of course to desist from a prosecution of further hostilities.

tions, and sort of protection?-Upon the terms that "free bottoms make free goods," and under the protection of the aggregate force of the whole armed neutrality, who were bound to each other to assist in the common protection of all commodities carried in free bottoms, according to the engagements entered into by previous existing treaties.

The Dutch, who were the great carriers of northern Europe, would be not permitted to carry on that species of commerce. But would this prevent Russia, Sweden, and Denmark to transport the commodities and native growth of their own country? By no means. The commodities formerly transported by Holland To the expediency of the war little re- from the place of growth would then be mained to be said; our present situation carried in bottoms belonging to or emwas such as to render any argument un-ployed by those respective countries-but necessary. We were already over-upon what terms, or under what condimatched, and Holland, thrown into the opposite scale, would, he had every reason to believe, be decisive of our fate; but was Holland to be the last enemy we should have to contend with in this already unequal contest? He feared not. Russia, if the foreign Gazettes spoke truth, had already said more than Holland even pretended to claim under the right of subsisting treaties. She had published a new code of maritime law, which was to bind all the powers of Europe, as well neutral as belligerent, and invited those of both descriptions to accede to it, by which it was ordained, that free bottoms made free goods. France and Spain had already become parties; Holland had acceded to it, and her accession was accepted of, and so had the other northern powers. If then "free bottoms made free goods," where did we stand, according to the tenor and professed intention of this treaty? But that, whether Holland was, or was not bound, by the treaties subsisting between Great Britain and her; Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, were free to act as interest or convenience might suggest. It was said, indeed, that this treaty excepted the previous particular engagements of the contracting parties among each other; and that subsisting treaties were an exception to the general rule-Granted. But then the basis of the neutral treaty was clearly, that "free bottoms made free goods" in all cases, where there was no other treaty existing, contrary to that between the parties; consequently the very principle on which we were now contending for in respect of Holland, that of availing ourselves of our situation, as well in

This was a state of facts, and a stile of argument, which he did not expect to hear controverted, or replied to. If so, then, what did it amount to fairly, but this:-that the only advantages we derived from our situation of preventing our enemies being supplied with naval stores by the northern crowns would completely be at an end: for in that case those rights, real or pretended, which we had hitherto continued to exercise, that of stopping and searching the ships of neutral nations, and under some circumstances seizing, and confiscating the property so seized, and in every instance searching, if carrying any commodity deemed to come within the description of naval and warlike stores, would come to be disputed, and we should be then obliged to meet and contend with, not only France, Spain, America and Hol land, but likewise with the united force of the rest of the powers which constituted or had acceded to the armed neutrality.

This was such an eventual situation, as the greatest political zealot would not be prepared for, or recommend to encounter. He was persuaded, it was such as none of their lordships, if the event appeared to be a probable consequence of the present measure (which he much dreaded) would ever consent to. In the present state of

things, and on the grounds he had argued | nunciation made by sir Joseph Yorke, in the point, the probabilities tended to create 1779, of all subsisting treaties between strong fears, that such an event would be Great Britain and Holland,-the maxim the result of a rupture with Holland, and that "free bottoms make free goods,” of course of transferring the greatest part while the former removed the exceptions, of the carrying trade, till the public tran- and entitled Holland to all the benefits or quillity of Europe should be re-established, advantages which she might derive from to Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, the re- the treaty, taking it in its most extensive spective places of growth. sense, the latter protected the property of the republic, so long as Great Britain and Holland remained in a state of peace.

He begged, before he sat down, to submit the probable consequences of the rupture with Holland in another point of view, though tending to the same conclusion. It was said, by the noble viscount, early in the day, that the armed neutrality amounted to no more than a conditional, temporary compact, which bound none of the parties longer than they thought fit, or found it convenient to adhere to it :of course, that it was dissoluble at pleasure. He by no means understood the treaty in that light. On the contrary, it appeared from its tenor, not only to be spontaneously binding, but compulsory as to the object; for although one of the contracting parties might withdraw, and free himself from the particular conditions of support, so far as the terms would directly or indirectly affect other powers, not parties, still the remaining powers, who should continue to adhere to the neutrality, would, notwithstanding, look upon themselves called upon to assist in carrying it into faithful execution, and at the same time it would not be disputed that they would be willing and able to give it effect. What was the case in the present instance? The neutral powers had acceded to the new system, or new code of maritime law, promulged or proposed to the other powers of the north of Europe in general. Every neutral power but Portugal had already acceded to it, so had France and Spain. Great Britain, of all the belligerent powers, only refused her assent, and the reason was evident; because the regulations contained in that code were hurtful to her, and not so to the other powers at war; so that no other alternative remained, but that either the treaty of armed neutrality must be dissolved, or Great Britain, refusing to acquiesce in the regulations, would be involved in a war with the several states, which formed this extraordinary confederacy.

Connecting therefore all those circumstances, with their different relations and probable consequences, further strengthened by what had been stated by his noble friend (lord Shelburne,) that by the re

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This being the true state of the question between this country and the United Provinces, he could discover, without pretending to much political sagacity, the real drift and tendency of the present measure, so far as it was a question of state, respecting the present or future conduct of foreign powers. Ministers were not ignorant of the truth of the arguments he had now resorted to. They knew that they dare not openly infringe the terms of the armed neutrality, nor defeat the intentions of those powers which had already acceded to it, under the pretence of a breach of treaty committed by Holland;

and why so? because they were conscious that no such violation of treaty had in fact taken place. They could not forget that they were the first aggressors, and that they seized the Dutch property long before there could exist a breach of treaty, or a pretence for it, that was, before any war broke out in Europe. Under those embarrassments, they were fortunately presented with what they thought proper to interpret into an aggression, totally unconnected and independent of the provisions and objects contained in the new code of maritime law, and determined to avenge themselves upon Holland, for what they had themselves, by their ignorance and arrogance, been the real cause, and' sole authors of. But however fraught with artifice and disingenuity this device appeared, he much doubted whether it would receive so ready a sanction from the members of the armed neutrality, and of the court of Petersburgh, which first formed it, as it seemed to receive in that House. On the contrary, truth would prevail, and be weighed against artifice and evasion. Ministers began at length to perceive the fatal consequences which were about to rise from their own misconduct. They knew that Holland was just upon the point of acceding to the armed neutrality, and that persons or deputies had been sent from the Hague to Petersburgh, expressly for the purpose of

notifying the accession of the republic in | casions shewed themselves inferior to none due form;—nay, for ought he knew, that in the qualities requisite to constitute the accession had, or was to have taken place seaman or soldier. It was natural that he on the very day, perhaps, but if not, with- should be prejudiced in favour of his own in a day or two, of the publication of the country, and therefore unwilling to allow manifesto on the table. Thus by this them an equality in respect of courage flimsy pretext ministers flattered them- or conduct; but after that exception, not selves that they should at once cover even zeal or prejudice could induce him their own blunders, and under the pre- to deny that at sea their courage and skill tence of detecting the Dutch in having stood unquestioned; and that they were entered into a treaty with the American at least a match, if not superior, with an Congress, deprive them of that security equality of force, to any other power in and protection which they would, but for Europe but Great Britain. A Van Trump, this circumstance, be clearly entitled to as a De Ruyter, &c. proved what heroes a member of the armed neutrality. In Holland had produced. The people still short, they would now endeavour to con- continued the same in every respect; they ceal or palliate their own guilt, to gloss possessed the same power, and internal over their own impolitic, violent, irresolute, means and resources of defending themand unjustifiable treatment of Holland, selves, or annoying their enemies. Other which proved the cause of driving that Van Trumps might arise, and struggles country from her connections with this, and combats equally bloody, obstinate, and and of working her up into a state of in- doubtful, in the event, might be the condifference, if not of enmity, by seducing sequence of the present measure; strugthe nation into a quarrel totally ministe- gles of such a nature, and claims of vicrial, and which the people of Great Britain tory so contrary in their nature, as not to had nothing to do with, in point either of have been determined at the end of a cenjustice or expediency. But the attempt, tury which of the combatants were vanhe presumed, would prove as unsound in quished or worsted, or which had proved policy as it appeared to be equally fool- victorious. hardy and unprincipled. Russia, if viously bound, would see how far the reasons contained in the manifesto were founded, and would conduct herself accordingly. She would draw the line, when judging of the conduct of the British ministry, that separated or distinguished an act of real necessity, from a measure of mere convenience, and would impartially determine how far the treaty entered into between the pensionary Van Berkel, and Mr. Lee the Congress delegate, could be fairly presumed to bind the governing power in Holland.

pre.

The question was then put on the duke of Richmond's Amendment, viz. "That this motion for an Address be postponed, in order that the House may take into consideration another motion, for an address to his Majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to give orders, that there be forthwith laid before this House copies of all the treaties lately subsisting between Great Britain and the States of the seven United Provinces, and also of the correspondence between his Majesty's ministers and his late ambassador at the Hague; and of all memorials, requisitions, Holland had been represented by the manifestos, answers, and other papers noble lord in the green ribbon as in a which have passed between the two courts, state totally defenceless at home, and ex- as far as they relate in any respect to the tremely vulnerable in the various posses-present rupture, or to any misunderstandsions she held in the eastern and western quarters of the globe. He should not pretend to contradict his lordship, because he was not sufficiently informed on the subject; but so much he would risk, that every advantage we derived from the war preparation we were in, could at best promise us no more than a short lived, temporary success. The Dutch were naturally a brave people; they had proved it in a great variety of instances; and history enabled him to pronounce with confidence, that they had upon many oc[ VOL. XXI. ]

ing or complaints which have existed between the two nations since the commencement of hostilities between Great Britain and the provinces of North America." It was resolved in the negativè. Contents 19, Proxies 0-19; Non-contents 68, Proxies 16-84. The Address was then agreed to.

Protests against the rejection of an Amendment to the Address on the Rupture with Holland.] The following Protests were entered:

[3 Z]

"Dissentient,

1st. "Because we cannot consent to involve this and other nations in all the horrors of war, but upon the clearest proofs both of justice and necessity: and it would be peculiarly inconsistent with our public trust, without such evidence, to give a parliamentary sanction to a war against the ancient and natural allies of this nation. It is on the justice of our cause, and on the absolute necessity of proceeding to such extremities, that we must be answerable to God and our consciences for a measure which necessarily plunges millions of innocent people in the utmost distress and misery. It is on this foundation alone that we can with confidence pray for success, or hope for the protection of Providence. We conceive that a careful, and above all, an impartial examination of the correspondence between his Majesty's ministers and his late ambassador at the Hague, and of all the memorials, complaints, requisitions, manifestos, answers, and other papers which have passed between the two courts, as far as they relate in any respect to the present rupture, is indispensible to warrant parliament in pronouncing whether the hostilities which his Majesty has authorised his subjects to commence against those of the seven United Provinces are, or are not, founded in justice, and consequently before they can with propriety offer to his Majesty any advice, or promise him any assistance in the present conjuncture.-The sudden attack which the ministers have advised his Majesty to begin against the property of our neighbours, sailing in full confidence of peace and of their alliance with this nation, made without allowing the usual time stipulated by treaties, even between enemies, for securing the property of unsuspecting individuals in case of a sudden rupture, is a proceeding which, till explained, must appear unwarranted by the law of nations, and contrary to good faith; nor can we, upon the bare recommendation of ministers, approve of such a conduct, or determine upon the nice construction of treaties and reciprocal obligations, without so much as hearing what our late allies and friends have on their side to allege. But the influence of his Majesty's ministers in parliament has been such, as to obtain not only the rejection of a motion which has been made for this necessary information, but also to induce this great council of the nation, on a matter deeply affecting their most important in

terests, to give a solemn opinion without any knowledge of the facts on which they have pronounced with so blindfold a compliance to the will of the court.

2dly," Because, however sufficient the reason of justice ought to be, that of expediency may perhaps be more prevalent, and is not wanting on this occasion.-It has been the uniform and approved policy of our ablest statesmen, for near a century, to form alliances, and to unite with the powers on the continent to resist the ambitious attempts of the House of Bourbon. The Protestant republic of Holland, from the freedom of its constitution and sentiment, as well as from its religion, has ever been deemed a valuable support of the li berties of Europe. Twice have they been on the very verge of falling a sacrifice to France in this cause, and we can never believe that their old affection to Great Britain can have been alienated, much less that a direct rupture with them can have become necessary on our part, without gross mismanagement in our councils. We cannot but form the most serious apprehensions at seeing the three great Protestant and free countries of Great Britain, North America and Holland, so weakening each other by war, as to become an easy prey to the ancient enemy of them all, whenever she shall please to turn her arms against them.-We are not insensible of the distressful situation, with respect to the armed neutral powers, into which we have been led step by step, by the unfortunate American war; but as we are convinced that wicked and weak councils have been the sole cause of that unhappy contest, so we are persuaded that honest and able ministers might have prevented this, amongst some of its wretched consequences. But whilst the same measures, which have caused our unexampled calamities, continue to be pursued and cherished; whilst a system of corrup tion prevails, which must exclude both ability and integrity from our councils whilst every interest of the state is sacrificed to its support, and every attempt at reformation rejected, our condition can change, but from bad to worse.-It is not for us to pretend to foretell events, which are in the hands of Providence; but if causes are suffered to produce their natural consequences, we cannot but apprehend, from the present conduct of our affairs, every danger to this country, both foreign and domestic, to which a nation can be exposed.(Signed) Richmond,

Portland, Fitzwilliam, Harcourt,
Ferrers, Rockingham, Devonshire,
Pembroke, Coventry."

"Dissentient'

Debate in the Commons on the King's Message relative to the Rupture with Holland.] Jan. 25. Lord North presented a Message from his Majesty similar to the one presented to the Lords, together with the Papers relative to the Rupture with Holland (see p. 967). The titles of the Papers being read by the clerk,

"For the above reasons, and, for that, instead of being convinced of the justice, necessity, or policy of a war with Holland, as we ought to be, before we give our Mr. Burke observed, that however light. sanction to that measure, it appears to us, a war with the States of Holland might be as far as the information we possess enables in the opinions of some men, he was one us, to be equally contrary to the interests of those old fools, who had not forgot of both countries, and to the inclinations the old fashioned idea, that going to of all whose inclinations ought to influ- war was, at all events, a very serious ence the councils of either. Of such in- matter, a matter which nothing but clinations, in many respectable members great necessity could justify. He did of the Dutch government, we thought we not intend to trouble the House with saw, and we saw it with pleasure, a suffi- his opinion on the war with Holland, becient indication to encourage us to hope, cause he was not yet sufficiently informthat it is not yet too late to open a nego-ed upon the subject; nor did he conceive ciation, by which, if conducted with the temper, and in the language of conciliation, we may avert the evils which the continuance of this unnatural war cannot fail to produce. With this view, it was recommended in the debates with the earnestness and seriousness suitable to the occasion, not to lose an hour in proposing a cessation of hostilities with Holland, for the purpose of meeting and cultivating a friendly disposition, of reconciling commercial differences, and for restoring that union of political interests which has been hitherto thought fundamentally necessary to the preservation of the Protestant religion, and of the liberties of Europe. The inattention of his Majesty's ministers to such a proposition, in the actual circumstances of this country, their disinclination to the objects of it, so plainly manifested by the unprecedented confiscations intended by their proclamation of the 20th of December last, the loss of so valuable an ally, the accession of so considerable a force to the formidable powers, antecedently combined against us, and the just grounds it affords to apprehend the accession of other powers to that combination, leave us no other part to take, as members of this House, after having stated our ideas of the extent of the danger, and suggested what we conceive to be the best and only remedy, than to enter our solemn protest to exculpate ourselves from being accessary to that accumulation of evils, which we foresee, and think might be, but will not be prevented.(Signed) Wycombe, Camden, Richmond, Ferrers, Portland, Rockingham, Fitzwilliam, Pembroke."

from the heads of the papers just read,
that he was likely to get the information
necessary for him, and for the House, be
fore they came to any decisive judgment
upon what the King's ministers had done.
He did not, if his ear had not been de-
ceived, hear the clerk read the title of a
memorial which had been delivered by sir
Joseph Yorke in the year 1777, a memo-
rial, which he could not but consider as
highly necessary to be laid before the
House with the others. Though, for want
of the proper information, the justice of
the war, perhaps, could not be entered
upon, yet there were other considerations
well worth the attention of the House;
the question struck him as a prudential
question, for circumstanced as we were,
the prudence and the policy of the war
were not less important points to be exa-
mined than its justice. He hoped, there-
fore, since ministry had reduced parlia-
ment to the alternative either of support-
ing the war, or of becoming liable to the
charge of abandoning the cause of their
country, that they had ample proof to lay
before the House, that the war was pru-
dent, or that it was unavoidably necessary.
The manifesto stated, that a treaty was
entered into between the city of Amster-
dam and America; this was a fact which
lay with ministers to make out.
treaty, the title of which the clerk had just
read, as the title of one of the papers, was,
in the express terms of it, the plan of a
treaty, or the rough draft of a compact
hereafter to be entered into between the
intended contracting parties. He wished
to know, whether the King's servants had,
either among Mr. Laurens's papers, or by

The

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