France is compelled to march 50,000 men fifty miles from her own frontiers, from Metz, Thionville, Strasbourg, and Brisac, or from her garrisons in Flanders, down falls her boasted navy, her finances are

Having thus explained his ideas of the means and terms of the negociation with the court of Vienna, which he had advised, Mr. Wraxall went into a consideration of its consequences. In order to shew which, he first gave an ample description of the grand cantonments in Bohemia, Bavaria, Upper Austria and Swabia, and then said, that the emperor must march towards the Rhine, as Prince Charles of Lorraine did in 1744; he must demand his patrimony of Lorraine torn from him in 1737, and he must re-demand Alsace, as depending on the empire. Could it, he demanded, be doubted, if this scheme was practicable? Could it be questioned, whether the emperor was able to force a passage across the Rhine? How often had Mersi and Monteculi and Piccolomini passed the Rhine in the last century, in defiance of the armies of France? Had we not repeatedly passed it, during the wars of queen Anne in 1707 and 1708, when George the 1st, then elector of Hanover, commanded the allied army? Had not Prince Charles of Lorraine passed it in 1744, when a mareschal of France fled before him, when Louis the 15th flew to the rescue of his country and his frontier, when the Austrian army carried terror to the borders of Champagne and Burgundy? All these objects Mr. Wraxall contended were practicable, and that the king of Prussia was incapable of preventing the emperor from sending an army of 50,000 men towards the Rhine, for that the emperor could increase his army at pleasure, and the marches he had suggested, might be performed with such infinite rapidity, that the Austrian army might be at the gates of Strasbourg by the first of June next. What would result from this? France must defend herself, and the moment

can be sent to Brest, Rochfort, or Toulon! Madrid and the Hague will also be instantly shaken, their navy will crumble away, and cannot be recruited, or money found for its equipment. Our object is gained!

He

Having thus elucidated his whole plan of advice, and shewed its probable consequences, Mr. Wraxall drew towards a conclusion, leading to it by a most pathetic exhortation to the House, not to lose time in vain and idle deliberation, but instantly to open a negociation with the emperor. Impediments, he acknowledged, there were in the way of his project, but they were not insuperable. Great minds conquered obstacles-they were made for them. The destruction of France was incontestible if the emperor joined us, and marched towards the Rhine. England would be saved, restored to her ancient glories, and capacitated to destroy the marine of France and Spain. That navy, he declared, must be destroyed. knew there was no spell, no magic, no charm, nothing cabalistical in the words delenda est Carthago, which had been used by a noble lord in a former debate, and which some gentlemen had attempted to turn into ridicule; but they were words which conveyed an idea that could not too often be presented to the minds of ministers, to the minds of that House of Parliament, and to the minds of the nation at large. Delenda est Carthago must and ought to be the first of all considerations at this crisis; there was no other expedient to be discovered that could save us in our present distress, but destroying the navy of the House of Bourbon. He paid the highest compliments to the abilities of the King's servants; he said, he had no doubt of their extensive capacities, and their great qualifications; he only begged leave to recommend to them vigour, firmness, celerity, and dispatch; on all of which, combined, our safety depended.

Mr. John Sinclair * expressed a mixture of regret and indignation, in which the latter was the chief ingredient, at this quarrel with Holland, a country bound to us by so many ties of intercourse, a simi

Created a Baronet, February 4, 1786.

He insisted that the haughtiness of Great Britain had combined the world against her; and that the war with Holland was unjust and impolitic. While France was the first power in Europe, the nations around were confederated against her: when Britain rose to an envied pitch of greatness, a just apprehension of a similar hostile confederacy should have taught her justice, wisdom, and moderation.

larity of opinions and of prejudices, gratitude and interest. While so many powers were leagued against Britain, that Holland should join the general confederacy was indeed astonishing, and to that country we might apply the proverbial words, et tu, Brute? He recollected, on this occasion, the sentiments of De Witt, who had invariably considered Great Britain as the natural ally and only protectress of Holland. The reasoning of that great and virtuous citizen should raise the spirits of gentlemen in that House, and determine them to defend the greatness of the British empire with manly vigour. De Witt had said, that if ever Holland should break with Great Britain, the latter power, from her superior local advantages, must prevail in the contest. The Dutch avoided the rocky and dangerous coast of France, even in fair weather, and in tempestuous seasons were obliged to sail under the English coast: how easy, therefore, to intercept their trade in the Channel, and how easy to drive them from the coast of Scotland, from the fisheries on which, to the eternal disgrace of the English, they drew annually five millions sterling. He exhorted the House to be firm. There were yet spirit and resources in this country sufficient to extricate it out of all its difficulties: but if you flinch, if you lose by timid counsels, your rank and dignity amongst the states of Europe," farewella long farewell to all your greatness!" For when we fall," we fall, like Lucifer, never to rise again!" He said, that if there was despondency, it was only in the senate. All ranks without doors were in the highest spirits, fitting out privateers against the enemies of their country, and subscribing money for its defence. It was a shame that any appearance of doubt and fear should exist within the walls of that House. For his part, he would never encourage any speeches against the proposed address, or any amendments; but declared, from his soul, his hearty resolution to resist all the enemies of his country.

Mr. Alderman Sawbridge said, he felt no shame in endeavouring to mollify the resentment of a natural ally, now an unnatural enemy. He did not wish that any violence or precipitation in that House should increase the flame. He rather wished to soften matters by moderate speeches and prudent councils. He proved that ministry had been the aggressors in all the wars in which they are involved.

Lord John Cavendish had made no op position to a war with Spain and France, because those nations were the aggressors. Here, he confessed, when a war was declared against Holland, he paused. He wished for farther information on that subject. He wished to know if it was unavoidable. The noble lord had complained that the Dutch had broken the treaty between their country and this; but had proper means been used, in order to engage them to abide by the treaty? Was the noble lord to be informed, that treaties never bound any nation in opposition to strong passions or interest? Had any pains been taken to keep the passions and the interest of Holland on our side? The noble lord had talked of the operation of French gold in the United Provinces. And what if some English gold had been sent over to counteract the operation of the French gold? It was often worse employed. He would not give his negative to any motion that implied a resolution to support a war against the Dutch: but he desired time to consider of it. He therefore proposed, as an amendment to the Address, that instead of the words "for the unavoidable necessity of hostile measures against," the words "on account of the present rupture with" be inserted.

Sir E. Astley represented the growing burdens of this country, and asked ministers and placemen, whether they would set an example of cheerful support, by contributing to the public cause out of their great pensions and salaries?

Mr. Fox said, he was as little apt to despond as any man: but true courage did not consist in blindly rushing forward upon danger, but in opening our eyes, estimating its magnitude, and devising means of escaping from it. The origin of this rupture with Holland, he ascribed to lord Suffolk's memorial to the States General in 1777. This alarmed the pride and jealousy of the Dutch, and gave the French faction a handle against the friends of England. These are the friends you wish to support rather than the French;

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condition than we are in at present, the enquiry into the cause of our growing calamities is neither impertinent nor useless. When the colonies revolted, it was said, what is the use of inquiring into the cause of this misfortune? Let us endeavour to retrieve it. But I insist, said Mr. Fox, there was a use in inquiring into the cause of that evil: for if we had done that, we should have had no war with France and Spain. When that war happened, the same silly question was repeated; and I repeat, now, that if ministry had been removed on that occasion, we should not now have a war with Holland. And now it remains to enquire, whether it may not be possible to prevent a war with Russia, Portugal, Sweden, &c.-The noble lord says, " Upon my word I do not know whether we shall have our honour to defend against Russia and Portugal; but this I know, that Great Britain has never given them any provocation, and therefore has no reason to dread their resentment." But, Sir, we know, from the noble lord's authority, that we had never given any provocation to France or Spain, yet they became our enemies. It was an unreasonable thing to expect such an event, yet it happened; and how do we know but a war with Russia and Portugal may also happen to us? I wish the noble lord would give us some gleam of hope, by telling us any reason he may have for thinking this will not be the case. Should all these powers combine against us; should the Russian, Swedish, Danish, and Dutch fleets, be added to the fleet of Bourbon, to which the boasted Spanish armada was, in the noble lord's opinion, but a trifle; will it be that fleet that will protect us, which has been, I do not say skulking for these two years, but retreating up the Channel, that will save us?

a proud and haughty people, who want to treat you as their dependants, and not as a free state. He contended, that all the troubles which fell upon this country originated in a change of political opinion. For had the true Whig principles prevailed, that prevailed in the days of king William and queen Anne, at least in the first part of her reign, and in the two subsequent reigns, America would now have been fighting by the side of Great Britain, or rather, the liberties of America not having been invaded, the occasion of all the quarrels that now subsist would have been prevented. But the interest of the prince, that was, of the ministry, was now conceived to be different from that of the people; the honour of the crown was to be maintained at the expence of the ruin of the people, and provided they governed, the condition of those who obeyed was a matter of indifference. The reign of Charles 2 had been called an infamous reign. But not one of the Stuarts had done so much mischief to this country as the present ministry. The mischiefs done in the reigns of the Stuarts were retrieved by a revolution in political principles, but the ills that had happened in the present reign were irreparable. The empress of Russia and his present Majesty had mounted the thrones of their respective empires much about the same time: but how great the difference in the two reigns! Great Britain had declined with a suddenness equal to the rapidity with which Russia had risen to her present eminence. He did not accuse ministry of want of sense, or of acuteness and penetration. Even errors of judgment, which were pardonable in individuals, were crimes, indeed, in ministers; for if they were not fit to hold the reins of government, they had no business to grasp them. But it was not with want of capacity that he charged them; they had capacity, but it was all exhausted; not in foreign politics, for that was the business of the nation, but in ma; naging that House, and other similar things, which was their own interest. But it was commonly said, we are in a bad state; but what signifies it to inquire how we came there; the matter is, how shall we extricate ourselves from it. This would be good reasoning if we were reduced to the last extremity of wretchedness; but it is not good reasoning so long as we have any thing to hope for. While it is possible for ministry to lead us, through their misconduct, into a more deplorable

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Lord G. Germain arraigned the folly of those who supposed we might make peace with America when we pleased. said, if the war with Holland was not unavoidable, why not impeach ministry for involving the nation in blood, and wasting the public treasure?-He concluded with observing, that although insinuations had been thrown out with respect to the part which Russia was to take in the present hostilities, he for his part asserted, that he had received no information whatever to make him give any credit to this report, neither did he believe it.

Mr. Burke lamented the dreadful situa

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the most serious attention, the causes which have led to this new and unfortunate situation of hostility against the ancient and natural ally of this kingdom; and when satisfied of the necessity of such a measure, will exert their utmost endeavours to support the honour of his Majesty's crown, and the real interests of his people." This was negatived without a division: upon which the main question was put, and agreed to.

The Thanks of the House given to Sir Fletcher Norton.] Feb. 1. Sir Fletcher Norton being come into the House for the first time since the first day of the session, the Speaker immediately addressed him in the following terms:

tion into which this country had been plunged by the folly and ignorance of ministers. He asked what was the reason we were at present without an ally? This was owing to a spirit of arrogance in our councils. The consequence was, that after Holland, we should have Russia and all the other armed neutral powers against us. In the natural course of things, that which carried an evil aspect turned out often to be beneficial in its consequence. Peradventure, added he, this armed neutrality, hostile in appearance to Great Britain, might in case of extremity interpose and raise up its friendly arm to support her from sinking, and to preserve the proper balance of power: but now that we had rushed on precipitately to attack one of these armed powers, the others, connected together by the same treaty and alliance, would soon follow. Holland might be considered, from her situation and other circumstances, as a kind of general market, in which all the kingdoms of Europe were more or less connected. Her commerce was a kind of commercial neutrality; and so enlarged were her views, as not only to supply other nations at war, but even her own enemies, with warlike articles, to be employed against herself. The cause, therefore, of a nation, considered as so universally useful, would be a common one. He could not give his approbation of a war big with such dreadful consequences, without having more information before him.

Mr. Dunning observed shortly, that after what the hon. gentleman (Mr. Burke) had said, nothing remained for him to say; he would only observe, that he did not understand by what law we could call upon the States General to punish an individual, for forming a new project with respect to commerce, and what punishment could be inflicted upon him; he could only think of one precedent, and that was of czar Peter of Muscovy, who, when his ambassador was insulted by some sheriff's officers, sent over to demand reparation for the injury, and it was supposed that a present of some of their heads could be the only satisfaction.

The question being put, whether the Amendment stand part of the Address, the House divided: For the Amendment 101; Against it 180. Lord Mahon moved another amendment, which was to leave out the last paragraph of the King's message, and to insert, That this House will immediately apply itself to examine, with [VOL. XXI.]

"Sir Fletcher Norton; This House, on Monday the 20th of November last, came to a resolution to thank you for your con duct in this House. Your knowledge of the constitution makes it unnecessary to inform you how great a mark of distinction is conveyed to an individual, by the approbation of so important and principal a part of the constitution.

"Your affection for the Commons of Great Britain, augmented by those services which you have rendered to them, and which are the subject of their present acknowledgments, will, I am persuaded, excite in you those generous feelings which become a person conscious of having deserved the good will and thanks of his country.

"I will detain you no longer than whilst, in the name of this House, and the words of their resolution, I thank you, sir Fletcher Norton, late Speaker of this House, for your conduct during the time you filled the chair in the two last parliaments."

Sir Fletcher Norton returned the House thanks for the honour they had done him, and the Speaker thanks for the manner in which he had complied with the commands of the House.

Debate on Mr. Fox's Motion relative to the Appointment of Sir Hugh Palliser to the Government of Greenwich Hospital.] Agreeable to a request made by Mr. Fox, the clerk of the House read the copy of the charges exhibited against admiral Keppel by vice-admiral sir Hugh Palliser, and the sentence of the court-martial, with the copy of the charge and sentence of sir Hugh Palliser's court-martial, and the entry of the speech of sir Fletcher Norton, [4 B]