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and characters at a distance from home in the service of their country. It was by that sort of protection and justice that officers were encouraged to exertion, and that their country might expect to reap the advantages of their future services.

Mr. James Luttrell said, as the House were now proceeding to vote their thanks unanimously to a gallant officer for most signal and important services, he hoped they would not stop there, but would keep that officer's present merit in their eye. That they would not suffer his character to be hereafter trifled away. That they would go with him to Gibraltar; go with him to the West Indies; and that they would watch him every where, and keep his honour and his reputation alive effectually and substantially, by taking care that he should not be sent to be a sacrifice, but should have a force equal to the objects he was sent upon; that they would strengthen him with ships whenever he should have occasion for more. He was now, it was generally understood, going to the West Indies. Let the House send him ships equal to those of the enemy in that quarter of the globe. He, for one, would vote him ships, his thanks were not worth the gallant admiral's acceptance.

The motion was carried nem. con. While the above conversation passed,

Admiral Keppel was not in the House, but coming in soon afterwards, he took an early opportunity of rising, and after asking pardon of the House for getting up in a disorderly manner said, it was to express his sorrow at not having been present when the thanks of the House had been moved. He did assure the House, that one only instance excepted, he never felt more sincere satisfaction at the thanks of the House having been voted. Sir George had rendered his country most important services, services which he would venture to say, were not more signal in themselves than well performed. He thought it incumbent upon him to give his testimony in that House to the merit of an admiral, who deserved every honour in the power of his country to bestow.

Mr. Charles Marsham said, as the House had done sir George the honour to vote him their thanks, he thought it incumbent on them to do something more; and he the rather thought so, as he believed it was pretty generally understood that the gallant admiral's finances were not in the best condition, and that although he had served his country for many years, and

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rendered it many important services, it had so happened that honour had been his only harvest, and he had not been able to acquire that handsome provision which an officer of his high character and important service was entitled to, and generally supposed to obtain. He therefore thought it became the House then, while sir George's merit was warmly acknowledged by every gentleman, to proceed a step further, and to save the gallant admiral from the hazard of his being neglected, or his services forgot in consequence of some future misfortune; he therefore threw it out to the House, whether it would not be proper to address his Majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to bestow some high post of honour on sir George for his late signal services. He was the farthest in the world from wishing to encroach on his Majesty's prerogative, but he could not refrain from mentioning that there was a post now vacant, which was generally bestowed on gentlemen in the navy, who had distinguished themselves, and risen to high character, and that was, the post of Lieutenant General of Marines.

Lord North said, that no man had a stronger sense of the great merit and high character of sir George than he had, nor was there any who would be more willing than he that sir George should be most amply rewarded; but he could not but submit it to the House, that the motion hinted at by the hon. gentleman was altogether unprecedented, and that if it were once agreed, to follow a vote of thanks with an immediate address to his Majesty for a reward, that so coupling the two matters, would in future subject the House to great difficulty, and establish a precedent which they would hereafter have cause to repent.

Mr. T. Townshend, upon this, charged ministers with having neglected to reward their officers, and asserted, that sir George in particular had been neglected and illtreated by them. In proof of this assertion he declared, that after the taking of Martinico sir George was neglected. Greenwich-hospital, indeed, was given him, but it was taken away from him by the present first lord of the Admiralty, on sir George's being sent to the West Indies with a command. General Monckton also, who shared with him in the glory of taking Martinico, was neglected, and was a considerable time before he obtained that, which admiral Rodney had again

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and again applied for. It was of late years so much the practice of ministers to give up their officers, to whisper away their characters, and to suffer them to be run down upon the least change of fortune, the least bad success, covering their own blunders under the ruin of officers' characters, that he was happy the hon. gentleman had made so proper a motion.

Mr. Marsham declared he would persist in his motion, if he did not hear a more satisfactory answer from the noble lord, or unless some promise were given, that the admiral should be taken care of.

Lord North said, that it would be exceedingly irksome for him to oppose the form of a motion, the substance of which he was as much inclined to carry into effect, as any man; but, if the motion were persisted in, he should be under the necessity of opposing it, merely for the sake of parliamentary precedent. He had already declared, that coupling a vote of thanks with an address for a reward, would subject the House to very great difficulty in future, and would establish a precedent, which they would hereafter have occasion to repent; it was on that ground, and that ground alone, that it became his duty to oppose the motion. Another hon. gentleman had charged ministers with having neglected sir George. He begged leave to say, the fact was not so: admiral Rodney, during a peace, had been given Greenwich-hospital. It was true, indeed, it was afterwards taken from him, but that was, when at his own desire he had been given a command in the West Indies; and though it might be urged, that there had been a precedent of an officer's having a command and holding Greenwich-hospital, yet it was very far from usual that an officer should have the hospital and a command on a foreign station at the same time. Besides, when admiral Rodney went out last, he was rear admiral of England. The hon. gentleman who had proposed the motion had said, sir George's finances were low; they were not very high he believed when he took his present command, but he hoped that difficulty had been lessened by his successes. At present sir George had received the thanks of that House, and whatever the hon. gentleman might think, the thanks of that House were in themselves a very high reward. But exclusive of that, he really saw no reason why gentlemen should assume that sir George would be neglected. He was not himself

very likely to neglect him, because, exclusive of his perfect sense of his exalted merit as an officer, that his late signal services could not be too highly rewarded, and that they well deserved not only the thanks of that House, but of the country at large, he was intimately acquainted with, and had the strongest personal esteem and regard for him. At the very moment in which, for the reasons he had stated, he declared he must oppose the motion, he begged leave to assure the House, that he was far from thinking the place of Lieutenant General of Marines by any means more than equal to the admiral's high deserts.

Mr. Marsham said he rose with great pleasure to withdraw his motion, because in the noble lord's speech there were many kind expressions, which convinced him that sir George would not be neg. lected.

Lord George Gordon reprobated the proposal of giving away a sinecure place. He declared he was ashamed of having acted so long with men, who could be guilty of such glaring inconsistency; that he was as tired of their conduct, as that of the Treasury-bench, and that there was not a place in that House, in which he could feel himself happy, except only in the Speaker's chair. He was for abolishing all sinecures, and not for giving them away. Admiral Rodney was poor; let the King give him money. The people gave the King an enormous civil list. Let his Majesty make sir George a handsome present-many thousands of pounds, twenty thousand pounds at least-that would be a kingly gift. Poor as he was, he would part his last shilling with sir George to save him from being sent to gaol.

The motion was then withdrawn.

Debate in the Lords on the Vote of Thanks to Admiral Sir George Rodney.] March 1. The Earl of Sandwich moved, "That the thanks of that House be given to admiral sir George Bridges Rodney, for the very important advantages he had gained over the fleet of Spain on the 9th, and 16th of January last." and 16th of January last." After shortly pointing out the singular merit of that gallant commander, he observed, that a circumstance attended it, which had distinguished it from any other almost in the annals of this country; that was, the capture of five ships of the line belonging to the enemy, besides those destroyed.

The Marquis of Rockingham rose to seeond the motion: he passed several warm compliments on the skill and bravery of sir George, and said the nation was highly indebted to the admiral; little was due to the Admiralty-board, for it clearly appeared, that so far as ministers were concerned, our good fortune was purely accidental. The relief of Gibraltar and Minorca were, he allowed, necessary services; that was the sole object of the armaments. In the performance of that service, fortunately for this country, sir George met the enemy, and like a spirited and meritorious officer availed himself of the opportunity; and by his skill and gallantry, had rendered the public the most eminent service. He had heard, that in another place, where the same subject was yesterday under consideration, it was proposed, to follow the vote of thanks with some mark of more substantial favour, and he thought very properly so, for no man deserved it better; and he confessed, that he did expect before the noble earl who made the motion sat down, that he would have given some intimation of such an intention. He understood, that the main object for which sir George was dispatched to Gibraltar, being by this time attained, his instructions were to proceed to the West Indies; if, therefore, in the performance of the other part of his instructions any accident should happen, he thought no time should be lost in conferring on him an immediate reward. He had an additional reason for urging this matter now; because this gallant officer had once before been thanked by that House, yet was afterwards shamefully neglected; so much so, that there was an anecdote current about town that had not been as yet contradicted, that we should have been deprived of this gallant officer's services, but for the almost unexampled generosity of a French nobleman (the duke de Byron) who not only relieved him from his immediate distresses, but enabled him once more to return to his native country. He did not wish to point out the particular mode of rewarding sir George, but he understood there was a post of considerable consequence now vacant (Lieutenant General of the Marines) the institution of which was purposely to reward men of merit in this line of service; and as he knew no man more deserving of that post, and as promoting him to it would create no additional expence to the public, he did not see where that appoint

ment could be more deservedly bestowed. The Duke of Grafton pressed the general argument of reward very strenuously, and the particular mode of rewarding sir George, in the way hinted by the noble marquis, in terms equally warm. He said he was much surprised not to hear from the noble earl at the head of the Admiralty something specific on the subject, not in the shape of a motion, as that would be informal, but in a general intimation that his Majesty would follow up the present vote with a reward suitable to the eminent services the admiral had rendered his country. The admiral, he understood, was destined, as soon as he fulfilled the object of the primary part of his instructions, for the West Indies: if any accident in his way thither, or after he should arrive there, should befal him, in all probability his present merit would be forgotten. Experience had already proved how admirals and commanders were treated, when they proved unsuccessful. He would not say that any officer since the commencement of the present war, had been so successful; but this he might assert, that several great and able officers had been employed, and having from the defeat of the plans under which they acted, or from other circumstances originating from causes for which they were by no means responsible, not answered the expectations of the public; it was well known what arts, both within and without doors, were used to whisper away, insinuate, or directly depreciate, the characters of those very deserving, though unsuccessful men. If, in the course of the admiral's further operations any thing should happen which might impede his success, he made no doubt but the same arts would be employed against him; and that every effort would be made by administration, as in the instances alluded to, to throw the blame upon him, and blast his well-earned laurels. For these reasons he urged the noble lord, to give their lordships some pledge, that sir George's eminent services would meet with an immediate and suitable reward.

The Earl of Effingham said it was no secret that sir George was ordered out with an intention, after effecting the relief of Gibraltar and Minorca, to proceed to the West Indies; it was equally well known, that no more than three, or at most four ships of the line, were to proceed with him to the place of his destination. Under these circumstances, what

might be the fate of sir George? but that overpowered by a superior force, administration, to cover their own bad management, would endeavour to throw the blame upon sir George, and cancel the obligations his country owed him, by imputing his former successes to accident, or a superior force. He therefore anxiously wished that some immediate reward were bestowed on the admiral.

The Duke of Bolton extolled the professional skill of sir George in very strong terms. He fully acquiesced in the sentiments of his noble friends, that some substantial reward ought to be bestowed on him, and that none was more proper than the one mentioned.

The Earl of Sandwich said, it was the peculiar province of the crown to distinguish and reward those who had served it ably and faithfully; that it would be presumption in him to undertake or say what his Majesty might or might not, or ought to do; that it would be a direct invasion of his prerogative to prescribe to him on such an occasion; that graces and favours, such as those described, were the proper gift of the sovereign; that he never wished their lordships to entrench on this exclusive right; and that as to any promise, it would be indecent to make it in or out of that House: but it was, he believed, well known to be one of the leading characteristics of his Majesty's reign, to reward such of his subjects as seemed worthy of his favour and protection.

The question was then agreed to nem.

con.

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Lord North his Plan for a Commission of Accounts.] March 2. Lord North said, he had a proposition to open to the House of an important nature, but as he did not wish to take up the time of the House upon it then, if when he had opened it, any gentleman had an objection to it, he would not put it as a motion, but wished to have it understood merely as a notice that he should make such a motion at an early day. There had been, his lordship remarked, a great deal said in various conversations and debates that had taken place of late, respecting the great increase of the public accounts, and against the voting for such parts of the public service for which estimates could not be previously produced. He had then to say with regard to the latter, what he had often said before, that in many instances, while we were engaged in an expensive [VOL. XXI.]

war, it was impossible to lay previous estimates before the House, because every part of the public expenditure could not possibly be foreseen, and depended upon events as they rose; with regard to the enormity of the expence, that was likewise in some degree unavoidable, from the very nature of the case. He wished, however, as heartily as any one, to give the public the fullest satisfaction that the money was duly applied to their service, and he heartily wished that also some method could be devised for stating and settling the public accounts in such a manner, that the numerous balances upon each head of expence, might be brought forward more speedily, and in consequence be the sooner applied to the public service. Various methods had been hinted at for effecting this purpose; the method he should propose would be by a Commission of Accounts; and the reason why he thought a commission better than a committee of accounts, was, the former would have many advantages over the latter, as it might be strengthened with powers, with which it was not competent to the House to invest a committee of accounts, such as the power of calling for papers of all sorts, examining witnesses upon oath, &c. &c. Commissions of Accounts which had in former times been instituted, it had been truly remarked, had proved of little use. This was easily to be accounted for, and as easily remedied. The fault lay partly in the cause of instituting those commissions, partly in the form and extent of their institution. His intention was to move for leave to bring in a bill for appointing a commission of accounts. Former commissions had merely been authorized with a retrospective view; he meant to carry the present idea much further. He designed that the Bill should expressly autho rize the commissioners not only to enquire into the accounts of the past expenditure, but into the current accounts, and farther to direct them to consult, prepare, and report to the House what should upon due examination and consultation appear to them to be a more easy and speedy mode of keeping the public accounts, and settling them so that their true state might from time to time, as near as possible, be laid before the House when called for, and the various balances in hand be immediately brought forward, and applied to the service of the ensuing year. When he was lately called on for assistance by an hon. member who had urged the necessity of [L]

enquiring into the public accounts, he had | parliament he believed there was no indeclared his readiness to assist as far as he stance of a similar transaction. He had could, but it had afterwards been stated, a few days since told the House, that he that his sincerity was to be doubted; that had a plan to propose for an investigation what he had said was plausible enough, of the public accounts. He had called but was it not a mere parliamentary trick; upon the noble lord to know whether he was it not an attempt to throw dust in the would assist him or not, because he was eyes of the public? An attempt to gain a conscious that it was impossible without momentary popularity by affecting a rea- the power of a minister to penetrate the diness to do that, which he had no real in.. arcana and come to the bottom of many tention to come into? Such remarks, he matters, which loudly demanded enquiry. owned, were not a species of comment The noble lord now, without consulting or very welcome to him, nor very candid in advising with him, came with a proposal themselves. He was determined, there- of his own; he had stood between an obfore, to seize the earliest opportunity of scure individual, and the little ray of sungiving the House indisputable proof of shine, which he had attempted to draw his real sentiments, and he now came pre- upon him, for honest purposes only. His pared either to move for leave to bring in scheme was founded on a wish to serve a Bill to carry the proposition he had open- the public, to check the lavishness of those ed into effect, or, he was content, if the who managed the public expenditure; the House rather chose it, that what he had strong arm of the minister had wrested it said upon the subject might be considered out of his hand and had put an end to his merely as notice that he would, on a future labours, to the produce of many watchful day, move for leave to bring in a Bill. hours, and many sleepless nights. Not, An hon. gentleman had thrown out, that (added the colonel) that I speak the lanit would appear from the sort of committee guage of complaint; if the noble lord carto be appointed, whether he was sincere, ries his purpose into effect, and attains that or whether the whole enquiry was to be end, which I was humbly endeavouring to a farce and a mockery. In order to put reach, for the benefit of my country, tamen that matter out of doubt, and to obviate ego gaudebo-in God's name let him have the various objections that would in all all the merit of it! Having said this, he probability be made, from persons being informed the House, how far his labours appointed of the committee, either from one had proceeded, and assured them, that side of the House or the other, he should though the object was the same, his plan make it a provision in the Bill he meant to was of a different and less expensive nabring in, that the commissioners be respec- ture than that proposed by the noble lord. table, intelligent, and independent gentle- He then went on to show that a cominismen, who were members of neither House sion of accounts was by no means wanted, of Parliament. This, he hoped, would that the greater part of the accounts, they wipe all suspicion away, and give satisfac- would find it necessary to advert to, were tion to all parties. His lordship said a already on the table, and that the chief few words to the general effect the com- business that remained to be done, in mission would have, the superior ease with order to come at the knowledge in queswhich it might be conducted, from its being tion, would be to call for such other papers of the constitution he had stated, and the as might be wanted. With this view he facility with which it might proceed from had framed two motions, which he had being able to sit at all times, without being brought down with him, having intended engaged and harassed by the intervention to open his plan that very day, but hearing of parliamentary duty; after which his on his arrival at the House that the noble lordship read what he intended to be his lord had a plan of his own to propose, it motion whenever he made it. was now no longer necessary, though he should certainly make his motions, as well because the papers they called for were necessary, as in order to convince the House that he was serious in what he said respecting his intended plan of enquiry. The noble lord, he declared, had, as soon as he came down, called him aside, and shewed him his motion, asking him if he had any objection to it. He had read it,

Sir George Yonge said, that unless the noble lord declared whether he meant to move now or at another time, the House would be at a loss how to proceed.

Lord North said, as he saw it was likely to provoke debate, he should not move then, but wished what he had said might be considered merely as a notice.

Col. Barré said that in the history of

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