County, William Plumer, Thomas Halsey.

St. Albans, John Radcliffe.

County, Earl Ludlow.

HUNTINGDONSHIRE.

KENT.

Newcastle, Sir Matthew White Ridley, Sir John Trevelyan.

Berwick, Jacob Wilkinson.

NOTTINGHAMSHIRE.

County, Lord Edward Bentinck, Charles Mea

HAMPSHIRE.

Rochester, Robert Gregory.

Maidstone, Sir Horace Mann.

Canterbury, Richard Milles.

LANCASHIRE.

County, Thomas Stanley.

Warren.

Lymington, Edward Morant.

Andover, Sir J. G. Griffin, Benj. Lethieullier. Whitchurch, Lord Middleton, Right Hon. Thomas Townshend.

Petersfield, Sir Abraham Hume.

Preston, General Burgoyne.

Southampton, J. Fleming.

Clitheroe, Thomas Lyster.

LEICESTERSHIRE.

County, Sir John Palmer, J. P. Hungerford.

Leicester, Hon. Booth Grey, John Darker.

LINCOLNSHIRE.

County, Sir John Thorold, Charles Anderson Pelham.

Lincoln, Lord Lumley.

MIDDLESEX.

County, John Wilkes, Thomas Wood.

WORCESTERSHIRE. County, Hon. Edward Foley. Evesham, Sir John Rushout.

Droitwich, Hon. Andrew Foley, Edward Winnington.

Worcester, J. Walsh, Thomas Bates Rous.
WILTSHIRE.

County, Charles Penruddock, Ambrose Goddard.

Calne, Rt. Hon. Isaac Barré, John Dunning.
Chippenham, Samuel Marsh.
Malmsbury, Hon. Charles Fox.
Hindon, J. Dawkins.

Old Sarum, Thomas Pitt, Pinkney Wilkinson.
Heytesbury, William A'Courte Ashe.
Westbury, Samuel Estwick.

Wotton Basset, Robert Scott.
Luggershall, Lord George Gordon.
CINQUE PORTS.

Dover, John Trevannion.

Sandwich, Charles Brett.

Winchelsea, William Nedham.

WALES.

Anglesea, Lord Bulkeley.

Beaumaris, Sir Hugh Williams.
Breconshire, Charles Morgan.
Carnarvonshire, Ashton Smith.
Carnarvon, Glynn Wynne.

Denbighshire, Sir Watkin William Wynne.
Flintshire, Sir Roger Mostyn.
Flint, Wat. Williams.

Merionethshire, E. L. Vaughan.

Glamorganshire, George Venables Vernon.
Cardiff, Sir Herb. Mackworth.
Pembrokeshire, Hugh Owen.
Pembroke, Hugh Owen.

SCOTLAND.
St. Andrews, George Dempster.
Edinburgh, Sir Laurence Dundas.
Kinghorn, &c. John Johnstone.
Roxburghshire, Sir Gilbert Elliot.
Sterlingshire, Thomas Dundas.
Wigan, George Byng, Teller.

Against Mr. Dunning's Motion.

Reading, J. Dodd.

Abingdon, John Mayor.

Wallingford, Sir Robert Barker, J. Cater.
Aylesbury, Ant. Bacon.

Wendover, Hen. Drummond, Tho. Dummer.
Cambridgeshire, Sir Sampson Gideon.
Launceston, J. Buller.

Leskeard, Edw. Gibbon.

Lestwithiel, Thomas Potter.

Truro, Bamber Gascoyne.

Bodmin, Sir James Laroche.

Helston, F. C. Cust.

Saltash, Hen. Strachey.

Eastloo, John Buller, William Greaves.
Westloo, Sir William James, J. Rogers.
Grampound, Rd. Alworth Neville.
Camelford, Sir Ralph Payne.

Penryn, Sir George Osborne, Wm. Chaytor.
St. Ives, Lord Newborough.
Fowey, Lord Shuldham.

St. Germain's, Benj. Langlois, Jas. Peachey.
St. Michael, Francis Hale, John Stevenson.

Newport, Richard Bull, John Frederick.
St. Mawes, Earl Nugent, Hugh Boscawen.
Callington, William Skrine, George Stratton.
Carlisle, Anthony Storer.
Ashburton, Charles Boone.
Oakhampton, Richard Vernon.

Plymouth, Lord Viscount Lewisham, Sir Chas.
Hardy.

Beeralston, Sir H. F. Drake.

Plympton, J. Durand, William Fullarton.
Tavistock, Right Hon. Richard Rigby.
Exeter, William Devaynes.
Dorchester, William Ewer.
Lyme, Hon. Henry Fane.

Weymouth and Melcombe Regis, Right Hon.
Welbore Ellis, Gabriel Stewart, J. Purling.
Wareham, Christopher D'Oyley.

Corfe Castle, John Jenkinson, John Bond.
Aldborough, Hon. William Hanger.
Pomfret, Charles Mellish.

Hull, Lord Robert Manners.

Malden, Hon. Rich. Savage Nassau, J. Strutt.

Harwich, Hon. Geo. Aug. North.

Gloucestershire, T. B. Chester.

Cirencester, J. Whitshed, Samuel Blackwell.

Gloucester, G. Aug. Selwyn.

Herefordshire, Right Hon. Thomas Harley.
Hereford, Sir R. Symonds.

Leominster, Lord Viscount Bateman, Frederick
Cornwall.

Weobly, John St. Leger Douglas, -
Bayntun.

St. Albans, Sir Richard Sutton.
Hertford, John Calvert.

Huntingdonshire, Lord Hinchinbroke.
Huntingdon, Sir George Wombwell.
Rochester, Finch Hatton.

Queenborough, Sir Charles Frederick, Sir Wm.
Rawlinson.

Maidstone, Hon. Charles Finch.
Canterbury, Lord Newhaven.
Lancashire, Sir Thomas Egerton.
Clitheroe, Ashton Curzon.

Stamford, Sir George Howard, K. B., Henry
Cecil.

Grantham, Peregrine Cust.
Lincoln, Robert Vyner.
Westminster, Lord Malden.
Monmouth, Sir T. Stepney.

Thetford, Hon. Charles Fitzroy.

Castle Rising, Robert Mackreth, John Chet.

Talbot.

ence chiefly complained of by the petitions, and which had so much alarmed the people, was the corrupt pecuniary influence supposed to be exercised on the members of that House, and which supposition alone could account for the ministers having been supported in some measures, which it was not very probable would have met with that support they had received, had it not been for the exertion of that influence, which had at length caused a general alarm, and excited a declaration from that House, that it had increased to that degree, that it ought to be diminished. The first resolution therefore which he meant to offer to the consideration of the Committee, would be a resolution calculated for the extirpation of that corrupt, pecuniary influence, and tending, in a great degree, to preserve the independency of parliament, and obviate all suspicions of its purity. This resolution, he hoped, would be cheerfully assented to, as it was a necessary consequence to the first resolution moved by him on Thursday last; indeed, he doubted not, it would be agreed to without opposition, because it was not likely that it should be objected to on the same grounds as those on which his resolution on Thursday last had been objected to, namely, "that all who agreed to it, would confess they were corrupt." On the contrary, every member of that House, who held an official place, and received not a shilling more from government, than as a man of integrity, honour, and conscience, he thought he ought to receive, would certainly be among the first to agree to it, from a consciousness that it did not gall him, and a conviction that he merited the emoluments he enjoyed, and that when those emoluments were known, the House in general would think so. He could not, he declared, conjure up answers to any objections that might be made, because he could not foresee that any objection could possibly be made. On the other hand, the motion he meant to propose, might perhaps be acceded to on the idea that it was easy to evade it, in the execution of it; liable, however, as it might be to evasion of that kind, he was not afraid to venture it, because if any set of men should dare to evade it, it would be a matter of future consideration how to prevent such evasions, and to punish those who were so lost to all feeling of private integrity, as well as deaf to all sense of public duty, as to risk the hazard of a discovery of their having been bold enough to practise eva

sions upon that House, in a business of the most serious importance. It was needless for him to take up much more of the time of the Committee in argument upon the resolution which he designed to propose first to their consideration, because it was of that kind that it could not be fortified by talking about it, and rested rather on the support of its own obvious expediency and necessity, than upon any thing he could offer as a collateral strength to it.

The Resolution was as follows: "That it is the opinion of this Committee, that, for preserving the independence of parliament, and obviating any suspicion of its purity, there be laid before this House, within seven days after the first day of every session, exact accounts, authenticated by the signature of the proper officers, of every sum and sums of money paid in the course of the preceding year, out of the produce of the civil list, or any other branch of the public revenue, to, or to the use of, or in trust for, any member of either House of Parliament, by way of pension, salary, or on any other account whatsoever; specifying when, and on what account."

Lord North declared he had not a wish or a design to oppose the resolution that had been moved, because he thought it asked for a fair account, and such an account as he felt himself readily inclined to give, being conscious that no member of that House received a shilling from government which either government ought to be ashamed to pay, or the member ashamed to receive. He rose merely to submit it to the learned gentleman, that upon the first sight of his motion it appeared to him as liable to some objection in two parts of it, from its peculiar wording; the one was in the interpretation it would bear, the other the extent of the main object of the motion. With regard to the first, many of those persons, such as the auditor of the Exchequer, &c. derived the greater part of their emoluments from fees and perquisites paid them, on their issuing the public money in salaries, &c. Did the learned gentleman mean, that his motion should be construed to extend to those fees, as well as to the specific salary each officer received? Were they to state to the persons who made up the accounts the motion called for, the sums they paid themselves by those fees, as well as the sums they specifically received from the public for the trouble of their office? The other objection that struck him was,

of the people; and when he had attained that point, he certainly did not mean to leave them as mere resolutions of the House, but should, with leave of the House, bring in one or more Bills, grounded upon the several resolutions, which necessarily would come under the consideration, and meet the discussion of the other House of Parliament.

by the motion expressing that an account of all sums of money paid to members of parliament, be laid before that House, it went to an interference with the other House of Parliament, an interference for which possibly the other House would not think themselves much obliged to the hon. gentleman, because though it certainly was a right thing, perfectly parliamentary, and perfectly proper to purify themselves, and to take care of their own virtue, it did not follow that it was either right or necessary for them to assume the guardianship of the other House, or to act as the preservers of their integrity. His lordship concluded with declaring, that he mentioned this merely as a matter likely to create a difference between the two branches of the legislature, and not with any design to oppose the motion, which, he repeated, he thought every way fair and reasonable, excepting only in the particulars stated by him as liable to some objection.

Mr. Dunning said, that his motion was couched in broad and direct terms, because it was meant to have a broad and direct extent. That he neither designed it to convey more nor less than the wording of it imported, and that he had flattered himself he had been happy enough to draw it up in terms so plain and obvious, that they fully and clearly expressed his meaning. The motion called for exact accounts of all such sums of money paid to members of parliament, in the course of each preceding year; certainly the accounts could not be exact if they did not state all and every sum, whether arising from pension, salary, or fees. With regard to what the noble lord had said, respecting the right of the committee to interfere with the other House in the manner the motion stated, they certainly had a right so to interfere, and so far was it from being likely to give umbrage to the other House, he could assure the committee that a similar motion would be offered to that House. Exclusive of that, however, he held that the purity of parliament was an object within the power of each House to attempt to preserve; of the House of Commons to take care of the purity of the House of Lords, and of the House of Lords to take care of the purity of the House of Commons; but to put the matter out of all doubt, the resolution then under consideration was but one of the several propositions which all tended to one point, namely, an effectual compliance with the prayers

The Attorney General pointed out the difficulty, that would arise from a doubt, which would probably be entertained, whether the motion extended to monies paid to public trustees. As for example, large sums were paid to the auditor of the imprest, and other officers, such as cofferers, treasurers, &c. who paid it away in smaller proportions. He declared he approved of the motion, because it tended to bring forth an exact account of all monies received from government by members of parliament, which would have this most important and salutary effect, it would serve to disabuse the public, and remove from their minds the prejudices arising from the impression of those false and scandalous stories so injuriously and industriously propagated by artful, interested and wicked persons, who wished to have it believed, that a large share of the public money passed into the pockets of members of parliament; the very contrary of which was the fact, as would appear from the account now called for.

Mr. Macdonald submitted it to the learned gentleman, whether there was not a part of the motion which demanded an exception, and that was, its extending to all monies paid to members, &c. observing that possibly large sums might be paid to members of parliament in foreign employ, either as ambassadors, commanders of armies, &c. which sums might be destined for great national services, and might not be distributed and applied before the end of the year, or the commencement of a session, and the discovery of which sums having been lodged in the hands of such members so employed, being made known to our enemies, might be of material injury to the public interest. He said he the rather mentioned this, because he conceived the learned gentleman by his motion, meant merely to ascertain the sums paid to members liable to influence in parliament, which influence those employed on foreign service, as he had stated, certainly were not liable to. He concluded with thanking the hon. and learned gentleman for his motion, declaring that he thought it a